Whigs Sentence Examples

In December 1852, however, be became first lord of the treasury and head of a coalition ministry of Whigs and Peelites.

The Whigs never won a national or state election, and often their vote was only about one-half that of the Democrats..

Webster hesitated, but after consultation with a delegation of Massachusetts Whigs decided to remain.

Immediately after the treaty had been concluded the Whigs insisted that Webster should leave the cabinet.

During the war the settlers in Western Virginia were generally active Whigs and many served in the Continental army.

The Livingston family then led the Dissenters, who later became Whigs, and the De Lancey family represented the Anglican Tory interests.

Another brother, Philip Livingston (1716-1778), was also prominent as a leader of the New York Whigs or Patriots.

Seward soon became recognized as the leader of the anti-slavery Whigs.

When the Whigs secured a momentary control of the state legislature in 1849 they sent Seward to the United States Senate.

He was, however, still greatly disliked by the Whigs, and William, instead of reinstating him in the lord treasurership, only appointed him president of the council in February 1689.

In his Memoir, indeed, Gibbon denies that he had ever enlisted with the Whigs.

He first made his influence widely felt and became conspicuous as a leader of the Massachusetts Whigs during the discussions with regard to the Stamp Act of 1765.

In other states, however, the party survived somewhat longer, but by 1836 most of its members had united with the Whigs.

It divided the Whigs into "Cotton Whigs" and "Conscience Whigs," and in time led to the downfall of the party.

Deprived at an early age of his mother, the care of the boy devolved upon his grandmother, the marchioness of Halifax, a lady of culture and connexion, whose house was frequented by the most distinguished Whigs of the epoch.

Anti-Catholic feeling ran so high that, after the discovery of the Popish Plot, he found it wiser to retire to Brussels (1679), while Shaftesbury and the Whigs planned to exclude him from the succession.

Sheridan and other leading Whigs.

Menou sent him away from Egypt, and on his passage he was captured by an English cruiser and taken to London, where he had a good reception among the Whigs and was well received by Fox.

His associations and predilections were with the Whigs, and he was a delegate to the National Convention that nominated General Zachary Taylor in 1848.

The former were in general associated with the Democratic party, the latter with the Whigs.

The new government was a coalition of Whigs and Peelites.

The death of his father on the 1st of July of that year removed an influence which tended to keep him subordinate to the court, and his friendship for Burke drew him into close alliance with the Rockingham Whigs.

He planted the seed of the modern Liberal party as opposed to the pure Whigs.

In opposing the attempt to coerce the American colonists, and in assailing the waste and corruption of Lord North's administration, as well as the undue influence of the crown, he was at one with the Rockingham Whigs.

When the disasters of the American war had at last made a change of ministry necessary, and the king applied to the Whigs, through the intermediary of Lord Shelburne, Fox made a very serious mistake in persuading the marquess of Rockingham not to insist on dealing directly with the sovereign.

The result was the formation of a cabinet belonging, in Fox's own words, partly to the king and partly to the country - that is to say, partly of Whigs who wished to restrain the king, and partly of the king's friends, represented by Lord Shelburne, whose real function was to baffle the Whigs.

Thus in political matters he had the same fate as in ecclesiastical; for the Whigs were no more prepared than the Tories to support William through thick and thin.

He seems, in fact, to have agreed with the foreign policy of the Tories and with the home policy of the Whigs, and naturally incurred the reproach of time-serving and the hearty abuse of both parties.

In the negotiations concerning the Peace of Utrecht, Defoe strongly supported the ministerial side, to the intense wrath of the Whigs, displayed in an attempted prosecution against some pamphlets of his on the all-important question of the succession.

In 1803 Tierney, partly because peace had been ratified with France and partly because Pitt was out of office, joined the ministry of Addington as treasurer of the navy, and was created a privy councillor; but this alienated many of his supporters among the middle classes, and offended most of the influential Whigs.

On the death of Fox he joined (1806) the Grenville ministry as president of the board of control, with a seat in the cabinet, and thus brought himself once more into line with the Whigs.

The refusal of the Whigs to grant terms in 1706, and again in 1709 when Louis XIV.

Rapin was also the author of a Dissertation sur les Whigs et les Torys (1717).

When Charles offered an alternative scheme (1679) for limiting the powers of a Catholic sovereign, Sacheverell made a great speech in which he pointed out the insufficiency of the king's terms for securing the object desired by the Whigs.

A celebrated debate on this question took place in the House of Commons in January 1690; but the evident intention of the Whigs to perpetuate their own ascendancy by tampering with the franchise contributed largely to the Tory reaction which resulted in the defeat of the Whigs in the elections of that year.

But he was an active supporter of many popular movements - particularly of that which ended in the abolition of the slave trade; and he was throughout his entire life sincerely and profoundly attached to the political principles of the Whigs, both in their popular and in their aristocratic aspect.

After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held various important offices in the ministry, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy.

After serving, as a Democratic-Republican, in the state house of representatives in 1825, in the state senate in 1826, and in the house again in 1828, he spent two years, from 1829 to 1831, in Europe, again served in the state house of representatives in 1833 and 1834, and in the latter year was elected by the Whigs a representative in Congress.

During the period in which the question of admission was under consideration, the Whigs opposed the measure, while the Democrats carried it through and remained in power until 1854; but ever since 1857 the state has been preponderantly Republican in all national campaigns; and with but two exceptions, in 1889 and 1891, when liquor and railroad legislation were the leading issues, has elected a Republican state administration.

The definitive peace of Paris was signed on the 10th of February 1763, and a wholesale proscription of the Whigs was begun, the most insignificant adherents of the fallen party, including widows, menial servants and schoolboys, incurring the minister's mean vengeance.

First, for many years the Free-Soilers gained strength; then in 1855 in an extraordinary party upheaval the Know-Nothings quite broke up Democratic, Free-Soil and Whig organizations; the FreeSoilers however captured the Know-Nothing organization and directed it to their own ends; and by their junction with the anti-slavery Whigs there was formed the Republican party.

The Whigs having the ascendancy in the TwentySeventh Congress, he was made chairman of the House Committee of Ways and Means.

In February 1856, while he was travelling abroad, he was nominated for the presidency by the American or Know Nothing party, and later this nomination was also accepted by the Whigs; but in the ensuing presidential election, the last in which the Know Nothings and the Whigs as such took any part, he received the electoral votes of only one state, Maryland.

His grandfather, Lewis Morris (1671-1746), inherited this in his political views, he distrusted the democratic tendencies of the Whigs, but a firm belief in the justice of the American cause led him to join their ranks.

Politically, the anti-rent associations which were formed often held the balance of power between the Whigs and the Democrats, and in this position they secured the election of Governor John Young (Whig) as well as of several members of the legislature favourable to their cause, and promoted the passage of the bill calling the constitutional convention of 1846.

The Jeffersonian was a quiet and instructive rather than a vehement campaign sheet, and the Whigs believed that it had a great effect upon the elections of the next year.

In 1774 and 1775 he was president of the first and second Provincial Congresses respectively, and he shared with Samuel Adams the leadership of the Massachusetts Whigs in all the irregular measures preceding the War of American Independence.

At the general election of 1841 the Whigs returned in a minority of seventy-six, and Lord Melbourne was defeated on the Address and resigned.

In this district there was much turbulence and plundering by the lawless elements of both Whigs and Tories and by bands of ill-disciplined soldiers from both armies.

From 1820 to 1860, however, the Whigs were in general a trifle the stronger; and from 1866 to 1895 the Democrats were triumphant; in 1895 a Republican governor was elected; in 1896 Maryland gave McKinley 3 2, 23 2 votes more than it gave Bryan; and in 1904 seven Democratic electors and one Republican were chosen; and in 1908 five Democratic and three Republican.

On the return of the Whigs to power in 1830 he became lord advocate, and entered parliament as member for the Perth burghs.

The old court party followed the lead of Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams in national politics, and became National Republicans and later Whigs.

When the Whigs were destroyed by the slavery issue some of them immediately became Democrats, but the majority became Americans, or KnowNothings.

Simultaneously, Gertz was negotiating with Cardinal Alberoni and with the whigs in England; but all his ingenious combinations collapsed like a house of cards on the sudden death of Charles XII.

Although Pierce during his term in the Senate had severely criticized the Whigs for their removals of Democrats from office, he himself now adopted the policy of replacing Whigs by Democrats, and the country acquiesced.

On the other hand, the old Federalist nationalistic element was soon to emerge first as National Republicans, then as Whigs, and finally as Republicans.

The Whigs did the same; and when the Republicans organized themselves, shortly after the fall of the Whigs, they created a party machinery on lines resembling those which their predecessors had struck out.

For some time the Whigs were nearly as numerous as the Democrats, but they never secured control of the state government.

The State's Rights party, joined by many Democrats, founded the Southern Rights party, which demanded the repeal of the Compromise, advocated resistance to future encroachments and prepared for secession, while the Whigs, joined by the remaining Democrats, formed the party known as the "Unionists," which unwillingly accepted the Compromise and denied the "constitutional" right of secession.

The reaction was followed for a short interval by a return to approximately the former party alignment, but in 1854 the rank and file of the Whigs joined the American or Know-Nothing party while most of the Whig leaders went over to the Democrats.

Though his favourite leaders became Whigs, Johnson remained a Democrat, and in 1840 canvassed the state for Van Buren for president.

In 1843 he was elected to the national House of Representatives and there remained for ten years until his district was gerrymandered by the Whigs and he lost his seat.

In the opinion of the people he was now regarded as the embodiment of all legal virtue; his health was toasted at the dinners of the Whigs amid rounds of applause, and, in recompense for the loss of his seat in parliament, he was returned by Lord Clive for his pocket-borough of Bishop's Castle, in Shropshire, in January 1770.

For some time after that ministry's fall he was considered the leader of the Whig party in the House of Lords, and, had the illness of the king brought about the return of the Whigs to power, the great seal would have been placed in his hands.

The king's restoration to health secured Pitt's continuance in office, and disappointed the expectations of the Whigs.

Its Fundamental Law of 1831, conceived in the spirit of the English Whigs, and later imitated in the European countries, granted liberty of worship and of education.

After a good private education at Brussels, he was sent to Oxford, and thence to Erlangen; a subsequent residence at Edinburgh and the relations there formed with prominent Whigs profoundly influenced his political views.

In the pre-revolutionary controversies he identified himself with the American Whigs; in 1773 he prepared for Salem a paper entitled State of the Rights of the Colonists; in 1 775 he drafted a memorial protesting against the Boston Port Bill; and in 1776 he was a representative from Salem in the general court of Massachusetts.

The anti-Masonic excitement subsided as quickly as it had risen, and under the leadership of Thaddeus Stevens the party soon became merged with the Whigs.

His tariff and antislavery views, moreover, carried him more and more away from the Democratic party and toward the Whigs.

In 1839 he made an unsuccessful contest for the United States senatorship. In December of that year the Whigs, relying upon his record in Congress as a sufficient declaration of political faith, nominated him for vice-president on the ticket with William Henry Harrison, expecting that the nomination would win support for the party in the South.

He stood, however, as it were, midway between the two great parties, without the leadership or support of either; Van Buren, whose influence in the practical working of politics was still great, refused to recognize him as a Democrat, and the Whigs repudiated him as a Whig; while with Clay leading the majority in Congress, harmony between that body and the executive was from the first impossible.

Becoming prominent among the Whigs, Dowdeswell was made chancellor of the exchequer in 1765 under the marquess of Rockingham, and his short tenure of this position appears to have been a successful one, he being in Lecky's words "a good financier, but nothing more."

He was arrested in November 1775 by a mob o¢ lawless Whigs, and was kept in prison in Connecticut for six weeks; his parochial.

During and preceding the War of Independence the citizens of Norwich were ardent Whigs, various members of the well-known Huntington family being among their leaders.'

He was a Whig representative in Congress in 1849-1853, and was leader of the radical Whigs and Free-Soilers, strongly opposing the Compromise Measures of 1850,1850, and being especially bitter in his denunciations of the Fugitive Slave Law.

On the approach of the War of Independence he allied himself with the conservative Whigs.

While a teacher in his own school he was elected to the state legislature as a Democrat, but under pressure from the family of his first wife, who were ardent Whigs, he refused to serve.

In general Grattan supported the government for time after 1782, and in particular spoke and voted for the stringent coercive legislation rendered necessary by the Whiteboy outrages in 1785; but as the years passed without Pitt's personal favour towards parliamentary reform bearing fruit in legislation, he gravitated towards the opposition, agitated for commutation of tithes in Ireland, and supported the Whigs on the regency question in 1788.

The Catholic question had rapidly become of the first importance, and when a powerful section of the Whigs joined Pitt's ministry in 1794, and it became known that the lordlieutenancy was to go to Lord Fitzwilliam, who shared Grattan's views, expectations were raised that the question was about to be settled in a manner satisfactory to the Irish Catholics.

He seldom spoke in parliament after 1810, the most notable exception being in 1815, when he separated himself from the Whigs and supported the final struggle against Napoleon.

In his infancy he had heard so much talk about the villainies of the Whigs, and the dangers of the Church, that he had become a furious partisan when he could scarcely speak.

So promptly and successfully was this answered by the "abhorrers" that Charles, feeling the ground safer under him, recalled James to London - a step immediately followed by the resignation of the chief Whigs in the council.

He had already gained some popularity by writing in favour of reform, and in 1819 he issued A defence of the People in reply to Lord Erskine's "Two Defences of the Whigs," followed by A trifling mistake in Thomas, Lord Erskine's recent preface.

Carlyle's doctrines, entirely opposed to the ordinary opinions of Whigs and Radicals, found afterwards an expositor in his ardent disciple Ruskin, and have obvious affinities with more recent socialism.

The terror of the Whigs turned to joy when they heard that Dundee himself had fallen in the arms of victory.

Scraps may be unearthed as mediocre as the Answer to Curat Caddel's Satyre upon the Whigs, which attempts to revive the mere vulgarity of the Scots " flyting."

Bill, and some Whigs united, secured a majority in the legislature, and elected Lyman Trumbull United States senator.

He served in the Virginia House of Burgesses from 1752 until the organization of the state government in 1776, was the recognized leader of the conservative Whigs, and took a leading part in opposing the British government.

O'Connell joined the Whigs on entering parliament, and gave effective aid to the cause of reform.

This caused a breach between him and the Whigs; but he gradually returned to his allegiance to them when they practically abolished Irish tithes, cut down the revenues of the established church and endeavoured to secularize the surplus.

Benton, Edward Livingston, Amos Kendall, and the southern statesmen, found material for strong attacks on the Whigs.

As secretary of the Northern Political Union of Whigs and Radicals he took a prominent part in forwarding the interests of Earl Grey and the reforming party.

The Tories had for this reason her personal preference, while the Whigs, who included her powerful favourites the Marlboroughs, identified their interests with ' Macpherson i.

In the same year the great victory of Blenheim further consolidated the power of the Whigs and increased the influence of Marlborough, upon whom Anne now conferred the manor of Woodstock.

Nevertheless, she declared in November to the duchess that whenever things leaned towards the Whigs, "I shall think the church is beginning to be in danger."

Marlborough's successive victories, and especially the factious conduct of the Tories, who in November 1705 moved in parliament that the electress Sophia should be invited to England, drove Anne farther to the side of the Whigs.

But she opposed for some time the inclusion in the government of Sunderland, whom she especially disliked, only consenting at Marlborough's intercession in December 1706, when various other offices and rewards were bestowed upon Whigs, and Nottingham with other Tories was removed from the council.

She yielded, after a struggle, also to the appointment of Whigs to bishoprics, the most mortifying submission of all.

The strength of the Whigs at this time and the necessities of the war caused the retirement of Harley, but he remained Anne's secret adviser and supporter against the faction, urging upon her "the dangers to the crown as well as to the church and monarchy itself from their counsels and actions," 3 while the duchess never regained her former influence.

The inclusion in the cabinet of Somers, whom she especially disliked as the hostile critic of Prince George's admiralty administration, was the subject of another prolonged struggle, ending again in the queen's submission after a futile appeal to Marlborough in October 1708, to which she brought herself only to avoid a motion from the Whigs for the removal of the prince, then actually on his deathbed.

His death on the 28th of October was felt deeply by the queen, and opened the way for the inclusion of more Whigs.

The fall of the Whigs, now no longer necessary on account of the successful issue of the war, to accomplish which Harley had long been preparing and intriguing, followed; and their attempt to prolong hostilities from party motives failed.

A friend of Harley, the duke of Shrewsbury, was first appointed to office, and subsequently the great body of the Whigs were displaced by Tories, Harley being made chancellor of the exchequer and Henry St John secretary of state.

Owing to the alliance between the Tory Lord Nottingham and the Whigs, on the condition of the support by the latter of the bill against occasional conformity passed in December 1711, the defeated Whigs maintained a majority in the Lords, who declared against any peace which left Spain to the Bourbons.

The queen's conduct was generally approved, for the nation was now violently adverse to the Whigs and war party; and the peace of Utrecht was finally signed on the 3 1st of March 1713, and proclaimed on the 5th of May in London.

The wish expressed by the Whigs, that a member of the electoral family should be invited to England, had already aroused the queen's indignation in 1708; and now, in 1714, a writ of summons for the electoral prince as duke of Cambridge having been obtained, Anne forbade the Hanoverian envoy, Baron Schutz, her presence, and declared all who supported the project her enemies; while to a memorial on the same subject from the electress Sophia and her grandson in May, Anne replied in an angry letter, which is said to have caused the death of the electress on the 8th of June, requesting them not to trouble the peace of her realm or diminish her authority.

She will be queen of all her subjects, and would have all the parties and distinctions of former reigns ended and buried in hers."' Her motive for getting rid of the Whigs was not any real dislike of their administration, but the wish to escape from the domination of the party,' and on the advent Ibid.

As member of parliament for Tregony in 1 7681 774 and for Minehead in 1774-1780, he at first sided with the Whigs in opposing all plans to tax the American colonists, but he supported North's administration after the outbreak of the War of Independence.

In this period he usually voted with the Whigs, but in 1837 he went over to the Democrats and supported the "independent treasury" scheme of President Van Buren.

The unequivocal stand of Polk and his party in favour of the immediate annexation of Texas and the adoption of a vigorous policy in Oregon contrasted favourably with the timid vacillations of Henry Clay and the Whigs.

The independent treasury plan originated during Van Buren's administration as a Democratic measure; it had been repealed by the Whigs in 1841, and was now re-enacted.

As a strong supporter of the Whigs, he gained the favour of Philip Yorke, afterwards lord chancellor and first earl of Hardwicke, and his subsequent preferments were largely due to this friendship. He held successively a number of benefices in different counties, and finally in London.

In 1823 he was appointed vice-president of the board of trade; from September 1827 to June 1828 he was president of the board and treasurer of the navy; then joining the Whigs, he was president of the board of control under Earl Grey and Lord Melbourne from November 1830 to November 1834.

Like many other Whigs, he felt that all questions of domestic policy must at a time of European peril be postponed.

Attaching himself at once to the formidable band of discontented Whigs known as the Patriots, whom Walpole's love of exclusive power had forced into opposition under Pulteney, he became in a very short time one of its most prominent members.

From the beginning of its government under its first state constitution in 1835 until 1855 Michigan had a Democratic administration with the exception of the years 1840-1842, when opposition to the financial measures of the Democrats placed the Whigs in power.

In1845-1846and1853-1854he again served in the state House of Representatives, and in 1854 was chosen by the combined votes of Whigs and Anti-Slavery Democrats to the United States Senate.

The campaign was marked by the extraordinary enthusiasm exhibited by the Whigs, and by their skill in attacking Van Buren without binding themselves to any definite policy.

Because of his fame as a frontier hero, of the circumstance that a part of his home at North Bend, Ohio, had formerly been a log cabin, and of the story that cider, not wine, was served on his table, Harrison was derisively called by his opponents the " log cabin and hard cider " candidate; the term was eagerly accepted by the Whigs, in whose processions miniature log cabins were carried and at whose meetings hard cider was served, and the campaign itself has become known in history as the "log cabin and hard cider campaign."

Both parties had attempted to avoid the burning slavery issue, - the Whigs by adopting no platform whatever and the Democrats by trusting to the well-known views of their candidate, but the political leaders in Congress could not escape the many definite questions preserited by the possession of the territory newly acquired from Mexico.

After a closely contested election in which six members of Congress were chosen on a general ticket, although there was an apparent Democratic majority of about one hundred votes (in a total of 57,000), two county clerks rejected as irregular sufficient returns from townships to elect five Whig candidates to whom the state board of canvassers (mostly Whigs and headed by the Whig governor, William Pennington) gave commissions under the broad seal of the state.

Whigs, so that the choice of a Whig speaker could be secured only by the seating of the five Whigs from New Jersey rather than their Democratic rivals.

Upon the death of Lord Liverpool, Canning was called to the head of affairs; the Tories, including Peel, withdrew their support, and an alliance was formed between the Liberal members of the late ministry and the Whigs.

A few months later, however, this difficulty was surmounted; the Whigs returned to power, and Palmerston to the foreign office (July 1846), with a strong assurance that Lord John Russell should exercise a strict control over his proceedings.

Upon the formation of the cabinet of 1853, which was composed by the junction of the surviving followers of Sir Robert Peel with the Whigs, under the earl of Aberdeen, Lord Palmerston accepted with the best possible grace the office of secretary of state for the home office, nor was he ever chargeable with the slightest attempt to undermine that Government.

From 1708 to 1710 he was one of the five whigs, called the Junta, who dominated the government, but he had many enemies, the queen still disliked him, and in June 1710 he was dismissed.

The favour shown him by Marlborough did not deter Rivers from paying court to the Tories when it became evident that the Whig ascendancy was waning, and his appointment as constable of the Tower in 1710 on the recommendation of Harley and without Marlborough's knowledge was the first unmistakable intimation to the Whigs of their impending fall.

He made many friends, and his reputation was already so high that Sheridan referred to him in the House of Commons as a rising hope of the Whigs.

The hatred of the aristocracy, for which Lord Holland says he was noted at Oxford, would naturally deter an ambitious young man with his way to make in the world, and with no fixed principles, from attaching his fortune to the Whigs.

He disliked his immediate chief Grenville, one of the Whigs who joined Pitt, and a man of thoroughly Whiggish aristocratic insolence, In 1799 he left the foreign office and was named one of the twelve commissioners for India, and in 1800 joint paymaster of the forces, a post which he held till the retirement of Pitt in 1801.

He ultimately won his point from Harley, and his success marks his open rupture with the Whigs.

The Whigs had been long in office.

One of his pamphlets against the latter (The Public Spirit of the Whigs set forth in their Generous Encouragement of the Author of the Crisis, 1714) was near involving him in a prosecution, some invectives against the Scottish peers having proved so exasperating to Argyll and others that they repaired to the queen to demand the punishment of the author, of whose identity there could be no doubt, although, like all Swift's writings, except the Proposal for the Extension of Religion, the pamphlet had been published anonymously.

The utter exclusion of Whigs as well as Dissenters from office, the remodelling of the army, the imposition of the most rigid restraints on the heir to the throne - such were the measures which, by recommending, Swift tacitly admitted to be necessary to the triumph of his party.

Benton and others prepared a plan for educating the slaves and gradually emancipating them under state law; and undoubtedly a considerable party would have supported such a project, for the Whigs and Democrats were not then divided along party lines on the slavery issue; but nothing took organized form in 1849, when Senator Benton repudiated certain ultra pro-slavery instructions, breathing a secession spirit, passed by the General Assembly for the guidance of the representatives of the state in Congress.

In 1847 the vigour with which Sumner denounced a Boston congressman's vote in favour of the Mexican War Bill made him the logical leader of the " Conscience Whigs," but he declined to accept their nomination for Congress.

He took an active part in the organizing of the Free Soil party, in revolt at the Whigs' nomination of a slave-holding southerner for the presidency; and in 18 4 8 was defeated as a candidate for the national House of Representatives.

In England in August and September 1710, the Tories, the party of peace, succeeded the Whigs, the party of war and the inheritors of the tradition of William III., in the conduct of affairs.

Its terms were bitterly assailed by the Whigs, and after the accession of George I.

Hence the leading principle of the Whigs, as the predominant party was now called, was in the state to seek for the highest national authority in parliament rather than in the king, and in the church to adopt the rational theology of Chillingworth and Hales, whilst looking to the dissenters as allies against the Roman Catholics, who were the enemies of both.

Events were to show that it was a wise provision which led the Whigs to seek to exclude the duke of York from the throne.

When, in the third of the short parliaments held at Oxford the Whigs rode armed into the city, the nation decided that the future danger of a Roman Catholic succession was incomparably less than the immediate danger of another civil war.

Whigs were brought before prejudiced juries and partial judges.

His intention was doubtless to conciliate both parties by admitting them both to a share of power; but the Whigs were determined to have all or none, and in 1708 a purely Whig ministry was formed to support the war as the first purely Whig ministry had supported it in the reign of William.

Such successes, if they were not embraced in the spirit of moderation, boded no good to the Whigs.

The Whigs were charged with refusing to make peace when an honorable and satisfactory peace was not beyond their reach.

As soon as the demand for a vigorous prosecution of the war relaxed, the Whigs could but rely on their domestic policy, in which they were strongest in the eyes of posterity but weakest in the eyes of contemporaries.

Such men, therefore, when Anne died (1714) joined the Whigs in proclaiming the elector of Hanoverking as George I.

It was proposed, partly from a desire to guard the Lords against such a sudden increase of their numbers as had been forcedon them when the treaty of Utrecht was under discussion, and partly to secure the Whigs in.

It was in this world of reason and literature that the Whigs of the Peerage Bill moved.

True to his princIples, Fox had done his best to negotiate terms of peace with Napoleon; but the breakdown of the attempt had persuaded even the Whigs that an arrangement was impossible, and in view of this fact Grenville thought it his duty to advise the king that the disabilities of Roman Catholics and dissenters in the matter of serving in the army and navy should be removed, in order that all sections of the nation might be united in face of the enemy.

The new government had perforce to rely on the Whigs, who took their seats on the government side of the House, Lord Lansdowne being included in the cabinet.

The Wellington ministry, hated by the Liberals, denounced even by the Tories as traitorous for the few concessions made, resigned on the 16th of November; and the Whigs at last came into office under Lord whig Grey, the ministry also including a few of the more ministry Liberal Tories.

The first reformed parliament, which met on the 29th of January 1833, consisted in the main of Whigs, with a sprinkling of Radicals and a compact body of Liberal Tories under Sir Robert Peel.

The Whigs, who had governed England since 1830, under Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, were suffering from the reaction which is the inevitable consequence of revolution.

The alliance, or understanding, between the Whigs and the Irish was increasing the distrust of the English people in the ministry, and Lord Melbournes government, in the first half of 1837, seemed doomed to perish.

The Whigs returned to place, but they could not be said to return to power.

Before abandoning the struggle, the Whigs decided on appealing from the House of Commons to the country.

Thus the Whigs retired from the offices which, except for a brief interval in 1834-1835, they had held for eleven years.

A controversy on the boundary of Canada and the United States was provoking increasing bitterness on both sides of the Atlantic. The intervention of Lord Palmerston in Syria, which resulted in a great military success at Acre, was embittering the relations between France and England, while the unfortunate expedition to Afghanistan, which the Whigs had approved, was already producing embarrassment, and was about to result in disaster.

Differences, which it proved impossible to remove, between two prominent Whigs Lord Palmerston and Lord Greymade the task impracticable, and after an interval Sir Robert Peel consented to resume power.

The sympathies of the Whigs, and especially of the Whig prime minister, Lord John Russell, were with the people; and Lord John displayed his dislike to the Romanizing tendencies of the Tractarians by appointing Renn Dickson Hampdenwhose views had been formally condemned by the Hebdomadal Board at Oxfordto the bishopric of Hereford.

The circumstances which directly led to the defeat of the Whigs were, in.

With this view she sent both for Lord Aberdeen, who had held the foreign office under Sir Robert, and tor Lord Lansdowne, who was the Nestor of the Whigs; and with Lord Lansdownes concurrence charged Lord Aberdeen with the task of forming a government.

During that period it experienced the alternate prosperity and decline which nearly forty years before had been the lot of the Whigs after the passage of the first Reform Act.

In the 17th century political partisanship colored historical writing, and that, too, remained a potent motive so long as historians were either Whigs or Tories.

George Grenville and the less enlightened section of the Whigs took his place.

Grenville fell, and the king was forced to deliver himself into the hands of the orthodox section of the Whigs.

They were unable to stand against the coldness of the king, against the hostility of the powerful and selfish faction of Bedford Whigs, and, above all, against the towering predominance of William Pitt.

Yet in a few months the whole fabric had fallen, and the Whigs were thrown into opposition for the rest of the century.

The Rockingham Whigs were as substantially in agreement on public affairs with the Shelburne Whigs as they were with Lord North.

The six years that followed the great rout of the orthodox Whigs were years of repose for the country, but it was now that Burke engaged in the most laborious and formidable enterprise of his life, the impeachment of Warren Hastings for high crimes and misdemeanours in his government of India.

The younger Whigs had begun to press for shorter parliaments, for the ballot, for redistribution of political power.

A few months afterwards Burke published the Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, a grave, calm and most cogent vindication of the perfect consistency of his criticisms upon the English Revolution of 1688 and upon the French Revolution of 1789, with the doctrines of the great Whigs who conducted and afterwards defended in Anne's reign the transfer of the crown from James to William and Mary.

In 1773 he again returned to South Carolina, and in the controversies between the colonists and the home government became a leader of the Whigs.

Though the fortunes of the Tory party were fast reviving under Peel's guidance, the victory was denied him on this occasion; but, for once, the return of the Whigs to power was no great disappointment for the junior member for Maidstone.

Their excuses and calculations are well known, but when all is said, Lord Derby's statement of its character,"a leap in the dark,"-and of its intention, "dishing the Whigs," cannot be bettered.

The interruption of the conferences at Gertruydenberg having obliged the Whigs and Marlborough to resign their power into the hands of the Tories, now sick of war, the death of the emperor Joseph 1.

In May the Radicals who followed Mr Bright and Mr Chamberlain, and the Whigs who took their cue from Lord Hartington, decided to vote against the second reading of the Home Rule Bill, instead of allowing it to be taken and then pressing for modifications in committee, and on 7th June the bill was defeated by 343 to 3 1 3, 94 Liberal Unionists - as they were generally called - voting against the government.

He continued, however, to take part in public life, being one of the chief supporters of Roman Catholic emancipation, and during the remaining years of his active political career, which ended in 1823, he generally voted with the Whigs, although in 1815 he separated himself from his colleague, Charles Grey, and supported the warlike policy of Lord Liverpool.

Its policy "was to avoid notoriety and public attitudes; to secure privileges without attracting needless 1 A collection of these laws was published in his General History of Connecticut (London, 1781), by the Rev. Samuel Peters (1735-1826), a Loyalist clergyman of the Church of England, who in 1774 was forced by the patriots or Whigs to flee from Connecticut.

Owing to our revolt against the dominance of the old Whigs, three gentlemen of advanced views were selected to address the Liberal caucus.

If the Tories do not grasp this particular nettle then they will slide into oblivion like The Whigs before them.

Mr. Bohun considered the Whigs as a party of political swindlers, who had obtained power by false pretenses.

He vigorously supported the Compromise Measures in 1850, and continued to act with the Whigs of the North until they, in 1852, nominated General Winfield Scott for the presidency without Scott's endorsement of the Compromise.

The Whigs were successful in the presidential elections of 1836 and 1840, partly because of the financial panic and partly because their candidate, William Henry Harrison, was a "favourite son," and in the election of 1844, because of the unpopularity of the Texas issue.

When the marquess of Rockingham died on the ist of July 1782, and the king offered the premiership to Shelburne, Fox resigned, and was followed by a part of the Rockingham Whigs.

With the young prince, the future king, Bute's intimacy was equally marked; he became his constant companion and confidant, and used his influence to inspire him with animosity against the Whigs and with the high notions of the sovereign's powers and duties found in Bolingbroke's Patriot King and Blackstone's Commentaries.

Most of those associated in the undertaking were Whigs; but, although the general bias of the Review was towards social and political reforms, it was at first so little of a party organ that for a time it numbered Sir Walter Scott among its contributors; and no distinct emphasis was given to its political leanings until the publication in 1808 of an article by Jeffrey himself on the work of Don Pedro Cevallos on the French Usurpation of Spain.

It was a combination of the political abolitionists - many of whom had formerly been identified with the more radical Liberty party - the anti-slavery Whigs, and the faction of the Democratic party in the state of New York, called "Barnburners," who favoured the prohibition of slavery, in accordance with the "Wilmot Proviso" (see Wilmot, David), in the territory acquired from Mexico.

The Democratic party with its more efficient machinery prevented a stampede of its rank and file, but the Whigs were less successful.

As a minister of the Church he felt his duty and his interest equally concerned in the support of her cause; nor could he fail to discover the inevitable tendency of Whig doctrines, whatever caresses individual Whigs might bestow on individual clergymen, to abase the Establishment as a corporation.

In 1748 a Protestant Episcopal Church was organized, and before and during the War of Independence its members belonged to the Loyalist party; their rector, Rev. James Nichols, was tarred and feathered by the Whigs, and Moses Dunbar, a member of the church, was hanged for treason by the Connecticut authorities.

Stephens and other Whigs of the South then chose Daniel Webster, but a little later they joined the Democrats.