Pitt Sentence Examples

The act which Pitt successfully carried in the following year introduced a new constitution, in which Hastings felt that he had no place.

Pitt had never taken a side against him, while Lord Chancellor Thurlow was his pronounced friend.

To one of these dinners Pitt was invited, and was subsequently accompanied by some of his colleagues.

Although holding an office of subordinate rank, he was the chief defender of the government in the House of Commons, and during the time that Pitt was in opposition had to bear the brunt of his attacks.

He raised England to a predominant position among the Powers of Europe, and anticipated the triumphs of the elder Pitt.

Chagrined at finding no notice taken of a wild scheme for founding a military colony in the South Seas which he had submitted to Pitt, he turned to Irish politics.

Fort Pitt, which rises above the town to the west, was built in 1779, and is used as a general military hospital.

Early in 1783 the marquess of Carmarthen, as he was called, was selected as ambassador to France, but he did not take up this appointment, becoming instead secretary for foreign affairs under William Pitt in December of the same year.

Much information about Conway will also be found in the biographies of his leading contemporaries, Rockingham, Shelburne, Chatham, Pitt and Fox.

At the age of fourteen he was permitted by Scotch law to name his own curators, or guardians, and selecting William Pitt and Dundas for this office he spent much of his time at their houses, thus meeting many of the leading politicians of the day.

From the 28th of January to the 16th of April 1783 he was First Lord of the Admiralty, and he held that post from December 1783 till August 1788, in Pitt's first ministry.

The Fructidorian Directors contemptuously rejected the overtures for peace which Pitt had recently made through the medium of Lord Malmesbury at Lille; and they further illustrated their desire for war and plunder by initiating a forward policy in central Italy and Switzerland which opened up a new cycle of war.

The beginning of negotiations had been somewhat facilitated by the resignation of Pitt (4th of February 1801) and the advent to office of Henry Addington.

Pitt called him "an execrable, a sole minister who had renounced the British nation."

A few years later Pitt adopted an identical policy, and professed that whatever he knew he had learnt from Carteret.

In 1756 he was asked by Newcastle to become prime minister as the alternative to Pitt, but Granville, who perfectly understood why the offer was made, declined and supported Pitt.

When in October 1761 Pitt, who had information of the signing of the "Family Compact" wished to declare war on Spain, and declared his intention to resign unless his advice was accepted, Granville replied that "the opinion of the majority (of the Cabinet) must decide."

He spoke in complimentary terms of Pitt, but resisted his claim to be considered as a "sole minister" or, in the modern phrase, "a prime minister."

The settlement was first called "Boston Plantation," or "Poontoosuck," but in 1761, when it was incorporated as a township, the name was changed to Pittsfield, in honour of the elder William Pitt.

He allied himself with his brother Richard and with William Pitt in forcing their feeble chief to give them promotion by rebelling against his authority and obstructing business.

He remained in office in 1761, when his brother Lord Temple and his brother-in-law Pitt resigned upon the question of the war with Spain, and in the administration of Lord Bute he was entrusted with the leadership of the House of Commons.

The king made various attempts to induce Pitt to come to his rescue by forming a ministry, but without success, and at last had recourse to the marquis of Rockingham, on whose agreeing to accept office Grenville was dismissed July 1765.

Pitt whistled the air of the popular tune "Gentle Shepherd, tell me where," and the House laughed.

In consequence of the numerous petitions presented to parliament, a committee of privy council was appointed by the crown in 1788 to inquire concerning the slave trade; and Pitt moved that the House of Commons should early in the next session take the subject into consideration.

There is a legend that William Pitt the younger thought of her; the somewhat notorious lover of Mlle de Lespinasse, Guibert, a cold-hearted coxcomb of some talent, certainly paid her addresses.

On the withdrawal of the British legation from Paris Maret went on a mission to London, where he had a favourable interview with Pitt on the 2nd of December 1792.

Rose, The Life and Times of William Pitt, and for other incidents of Maret's career, the memoirs of Bourrienne, Pasquier, Meneval and Savary (duc de Rovigo), may be consulted.

In George Street are Chantrey's figures of Pitt and George IV., and a statue of Dr Chalmers; the 5th duke of Buccleuch stands beside St Giles's.

Second in importance to George Street is Pitt Street, which runs parallel to it from the Circular Quay to the railway station; Macquarie Street runs alongside the Domain and contains a number of public buildings, including the treasury, the office of public works, the houses of parliament and the mint.

One of them, Facts Addressed to Landholders, &c. (1780), written by Horne in conjunction with others, criticizing the measures of Lord North's ministry, passed through numerous editions; the other, A Letter on Parliamentary Reform (1782), addressed by him to Dunning, set out a scheme of reform, which he afterwards withdrew in favour of that advocated by Pitt.

Between 1782 and 1790 Tooke gave his support to Pitt, and in the election for Westminster, in 1784, threw all his energies into opposition to Fox.

In 1744 the king was compelled to abandon Carteret, and the coalition or " Broad Bottom" party, led by Chesterfield and Pitt, came into office.

His anxiety and the pains he took to become an orator have been already noticed, and Horace Walpole, who had heard all the great orators, preferred a speech of Chesterfield's to any other; yet the earl's eloquence is not to be compared with that of Pitt.

Pittston, named in honour of William Pitt, earl of Chatham, was one of the five original towns founded in the Wyoming Valley by the Susquehanna Company of Connecticut; it was first settled about 1770 and was incorporated as a borough in 1803.

Finding that his brother had procured his election for the county of Kildare, and desiring to maintain political independence, Lord Edward refused the command of an expedition against Cadiz offered him by Pitt, and devoted himself for the next few years to the pleasures of society and his parliamentary duties.

The discovery by General Pitt Rivers in 1867 of the remains of pile dwellings both on the north and on the south of the Thames gives ground for an argument of some force in favour of the date of the foundation of London having been before the Roman occupation of Britain.

Pitt was buried on the 22nd of February, and Fox on the 10th of October, both in Westminster Abbey.

Before returning to Berlin to make arrangements for transferring himself finally to Vienna, Gentz paid a visit to London, where he made the acquaintance of Pitt and Granville, who were so impressed with his talents that, in addition to large money presents, he was guaranteed an annual pension by the British government in recognition of the value of the services of his pen against Bonaparte.

It ceased to be the official residence in 1905, when the prince of Wales (afterwards George V.) was appointed Lord Warden, and the public was given access to those rooms which possess historical associations with former holders of the office, such as the duke of Wellington, who died here in 1852, William Pitt and others.

It had a considerable effect, and prepared the way for the reforms begun by Burke and continued by Pitt.

The remainder of his life may be divided into four portions - his opposition to Pitt during the session of 1784; his parliamentary activity till his secession in 1797; his retirement till 1800; his return to activity and his short tenure of office before his death in 1806.

He lost ground daily before the steady good judgment and unblemished character of Pitt.

In his place in parliament he sometimes supported Pitt and sometimes opposed him with effect.

Little excuse can be made for his opposition to Pitt's commercial policy towards Ireland.

His support of Pitt's Reform Bill was qualified by a just dislike of the ministers' proposal to treat the possession of the franchise by a constituency as a property and not as a trust.

Fox supported the claim of the prince of Wales to the regency as a right, a doctrine which provoked Pitt into declaring that he would "unwhig the gentleman for the rest of his life."

He actively promoted the impeachment of Warren Hastings, which had the support of Pitt.

As a natural consequence he was the steady opponent of Pitt's foreign policy, which he condemned as a species of crusade against freedom in the interest of despotism.

On the 6th of May 1791 occurred the painful scene in the House of Commons, in which Burke renounced his friendship. In 1792 there was some vague talk of a coalition between him and Pitt, which, came to nothing.

The fall of Pitt's first ministry and the formation of the Addington cabinet, the peace of'Amiens, and the establishment of Napoleon as first consul with all the powers of a military despot, seemed to offer Fox a chance of resuming power in public life.

He saw a good deal of French society, and was himself much admired for his hearty defence of his rival Pitt against a foolish charge of encouraging plots for Napoleon's assassination.

The history of the renewal of the war, of the fall of Addington's ministry, and of the formation of Pitt's second administration is so fully dealt with in the article on Pitt (q.v.) that it need not be repeated here.

The death of Pitt left Fox so manifestly the foremost man in public life that the king could no longer hope to exclude him from office.

He, like Pitt, was compelled to bow to the king's invincible determination not to allow the emancipation of the Roman Catholics.

Fox is buried in Westminster Abbey by the side of Pitt.

When Fox seceded from the House of Commons, Tierney became a prominent opponent of Pitt's policy.

In 1797 Wilberforce noted in his diary that Tierney's conduct was "truly Jacobinical"; and in May 1798 Pitt accused him of want of patriotism.

In 1803 Tierney, partly because peace had been ratified with France and partly because Pitt was out of office, joined the ministry of Addington as treasurer of the navy, and was created a privy councillor; but this alienated many of his supporters among the middle classes, and offended most of the influential Whigs.

None of his great orations has survived, a loss regretted by Pitt more than that of the missing books of Livy and Tacitus, and no art perishes more completely with its possessor than that of oratory.

Soon afterwards he returned to England to recruit his shattered health, but on learning that Pitt desired him to continue in America he at once offered to return.

In 1761 he became personally known to Pitt, who, recognizing his ability and discretion, once and again made use of his services as private amanuensis.

Glover (" Leonidas ") attended every performance; the duke of Argyll, Lords Cobham and Lyttelton, Pitt, and several other members of parliament testified their admiration.

The French foreign minister, Delessart, believed that he would checkmate all the efforts of the emigres at the continental courts provided that he could confirm Pitt in his intention of keeping England neutral.

Pitt received him cordially; and to Grenville the envoy stated his hope that the two free nations would enter into close and friendly relations, each guaranteeing the other in the possession of its existing territories, India and Ireland being included on the side of Britain.

In 1775 he took part in the negotiations between Leicester House and Pitt, directed against the duke of Newcastle, and in 1757 in the conferences between the two ministers which led to their taking office together.

Great care was shown not to alienate the Whig leaders in a body, which would have raised up under Pitt's leadership a formidable .party of resistance, but advantage was taken of disagreements between the ministers concerning the war, of personal jealousies, and of the strong reluctance of the old statesmen who had served the crown for generations to identify themselves with active opposition to the king's wishes.

On the 25th of March 1761 Bute succeeded Lord Holderness as secretary of state for the northern department, and Pitt resigned in October on the refusal of the government to declare war against Spain.

Though he had succeeded in disarming all organized opposition in parliament, the hostility displayed against him in the nation, arising from his Scottish nationality, his character as favourite, his peace policy and the resignation of the popular hero Pitt, was overwhelming.

In January 1762 Bute was compelled to declare war against Spain, though now without the advantages which the earlier decision urged by Pitt could have secured, and he supported the war, but with no zeal and no definite aim beyond the obtaining of a peace at any price and as soon as possible.

He still for a short time retained influence with the king, and intended to employ George Grenville (whom he recommended as his successor) as his agent; but the latter insisted on possessing the king's whole confidence, and on the failure of Bute in August 1763 to procure his dismissal and to substitute a ministry led by Pitt and the duke of Bedford, Grenville demanded and obtained Bute's withdrawal from the court.

In August 1756 Montcalm took Oswego from the English and destroyed it, and in 1757 he captured Fort William Henry; but in the latter year the elder Pitt assumed control of affairs in England, and his aggressive, clear-sighted policy turned the tide of war in England's favour.

Gielguch, with documents relating to his negotiations with Pitt, and conversations with Palmerston in 1832 (2 vols., London, 1888) .

The latter contains a biography of Governor Pitt, grandfather of Chatham.

In that year Pitt concluded a commercial trea ty with France, providing for large reductions of duties in both countries.

A true disciple of Pitt, he came to the congress with an overwhelming distrust of the growing power of Russia, which was only second to his hatred of revolutionary France.

Under Pitt he was, from 1794 to 1801, secretary of state for the home department, after which he was, from 1801 to 1805, president of the council.

The aristocratic influences in both states have always been on the Southern and Democratic side, but while they were strong enough in Virginia to lead the state into secession they were unable to do so in Kentucky., 1 Most of the early settlers of Kentucky made their way thither either by the Ohio river (from Fort Pitt) or - the far larger number - by way of the Cumberland Gap and the " ` Wilderness Road."

If we can believe a note in Wilberforce's Correspondence, he visited London in the spring of the same year, and was introduced by Dundas 5 to Pitt, Wilberforce and others.

It consists of three islands, a large one called Whairikauri, or Chatham Island, a smaller one, Rangihaute, or Pitt Island, and a third, Rangatira, or South-east Island.

The delegates of the Clarendon Press in Oxford, and the syndics of the Pitt Press in Cambridge, entered into a liberal arrangement with the revisers, by which the necessary funds were provided for all their expenses.

Thence he went to England, where he was introduced to Pitt, but chiefly lived with the leading members of the opposition - Fox, Sheridan and Romilly.

The news of the dispute between England and Spain about Nootka Sound in 1790 recalled him to England, where he saw a good deal of Pitt, but the peaceful arrangement of the dispute again destroyed his hopes.

He now found Pitt and Dundas ready to listen, but, as neither of them would or could give him substantial help, he went to the United States, where President Adams only gave him fair words.

The tilting of the mountain mass was presumably not a simple or a single movement; it was probably slow, for Pitt river (headwaters of the Sacramento) traverses the northern part of the range in antecedent fashion; the tilting involved the subdivision of the great block into smaller ones, in the northern half of the range at least; Lake Tahoe (altitude 6225 ft.) near the range crest is explained as occupyilig a depression between two block fragments; and farther north similar depressions now appear as aggraded highland meadows.

Michaelis's Introduction to the New Testament, with notes of his own, in which he may be said to have introduced German methods of research into English biblical scholarship. His History of the Politics of Great Britain and France (1799) brought him much notice and a pension from William Pitt.

On the retirement of Pitt in 180r he resigned office, and after contesting Dover unsuccessfully he withdrew for a time into private life.

Having in 1804 been chosen to represent Liskeard, he was on the restoration of the Pitt ministry appointed secretary of the treasury, holding office till the dissolution of the ministry after the death of Pitt in January 1806.

The king's restoration to health secured Pitt's continuance in office, and disappointed the expectations of the Whigs.

In 1792, during the period of the French Revolution, Lord Loughborough seceded from Fox, and on the 28th of January 1793 he received the great seal in the Tory cabinet of Pitt.

The resignation of Pitt on the question of Catholic emancipation (1801) put an end to Wedderburn's tenure of the Lord Chancellorship, for, much to his surprise, no place was found for him in Addington's cabinet.

This pamphlet excited considerable controversy, and is supposed to have influenced Pitt in re-establishing the sinking fund for the extinction of the national debt, which had been created by Walpole in 1716 and abolished in 1733.

With a certain amount of financial assistance from Mr Thomas Pitt of Boconnoc (afterwards Lord Camelford) he established the Plymouth China Factory at least as early as 1768.

In 1751 he became counsel to the East India Company, and in 1756 he was appointed solicitor-general, a place which he retained in the administration of the elder Pitt, of whose foreign policy he was a powerful defender.

He resigned with Pitt in 1761, but in 1762 became attorney-general under Lord Bute.

Resisting Pitt's attempt to draw him into alliance against the ministry he had quitted, Yorke maintained, in a speech that extorted the highest eulogy from Walpole, that parliamentary privilege did not extend to cases of libel; though he agreed with Pitt in condemning the principle of general warrants.

The Regent or Pitt diamond is a magnificent stone found in either India or Borneo; it weighed 410 carats and was bought for £20,400 by Pitt, the governor of Madras; it was subsequently, in 1717, bought for £80,000 (or, according to some authorities, £ 135,000) by the duke of Orleans, regent of France; it was reduced by cutting to '3614 carats; was stolen with the other crown jewels during the Revolution, but was recovered and is still in France.

He conspicuously lacked, indeed, the grace of gesture which he so much admired in Chatham; he had not the sustained dignity of Pitt; his powers of close reasoning were inferior to those of Fox and Flood.

He opposed the policy of protective duties, but supported Pitt's famous commercial propositions in 1785 for establishing free trade between Great Britain and Ireland, which, however, had to be abandoned owing to the hostility of the English mercantile classes.

In general Grattan supported the government for time after 1782, and in particular spoke and voted for the stringent coercive legislation rendered necessary by the Whiteboy outrages in 1785; but as the years passed without Pitt's personal favour towards parliamentary reform bearing fruit in legislation, he gravitated towards the opposition, agitated for commutation of tithes in Ireland, and supported the Whigs on the regency question in 1788.

The Catholic question had rapidly become of the first importance, and when a powerful section of the Whigs joined Pitt's ministry in 1794, and it became known that the lordlieutenancy was to go to Lord Fitzwilliam, who shared Grattan's views, expectations were raised that the question was about to be settled in a manner satisfactory to the Irish Catholics.

Such seems to have been Pitt's intention, though there has been much controversy as to how far Lord Fitzwilliam (q.v.) had been authorized to pledge the government.

No sooner was this effected than the project of a legislative union between the British and Irish parliaments, which had been from time to time discussed since the beginning of the 18th century, was taken up in earnest by Pitt's government.

This attitude of the Catholics was caused by Pitt's encouragement of the expectation that Catholic emancipation, the commutation of tithes, and the endowment of the Catholic priesthood, would accompany or quickly follow the passing of the measure.

He died on the 6th of June 1820, and was buried in Westminster Abbey close to the tombs of Pitt and Fox.

In the debates in the British parliament Fox urged that the whole territory should remain one province, and of this the governor-general, the 1st baron Dorchester, was on the whole in favour, but in 1791 Pitt introduced and carried the Constitutional Act, by which Upper and Lower Canada were separated.

But when his own trial was discussed in the privy council, Pitt sensibly held that Political Justice, the work on which the charge could best have been founded, was priced at three guineas, and could never do much harm among those who had not three shillings to spare.

He contributed to the Rolliad and the Probationary Odes political satires directed against Pitt's administration.

On his return he was introduced to Pitt, and the episode of the Rolliad, which had not been forgotten, was explained.

A convention between Prussia and Great Britain was signed in January 1756, and it proved of incalculable value to both countries, leading as it did to a close alliance during the administration of Pitt.

In his instructions to Novosiltsov, his special envoy in London, the tsar elaborated the motives of his policy in language which appealed as little to the common sense of Pitt as did later the treaty of the Holy Alliance to that of Castlereagh.

The 5th earl's mother was Catherine Lucy Wilhelmina, only daughter of Philip Henry, 4th Earl Stanhope; she was thus a sister of Earl Stanhope, the historian, and a niece of Lady Hester Stanhope, who was the niece of William Pitt.

In 1891 he made some brief continental visits, one to Madrid, and in October he saw through the press his little monograph upon William Pitt, in the Twelve English Statesmen Series, of which it may be said that it competes in interest with Viscount Morley's Walpole.

In the year 1784 he left Cambridge, and soon afterwards received from William Pitt the office of a patent searcher of the customs, which required but little attendance, and enabled him to devote a considerable portion of his time to his special studies.

This he accomplished by a policy much like that of Pitt against Napoleon.

Mornington was the friend and favourite of Pitt, from whom he is thought to have derived the comprehensiveness of his political vision and his antipathy to the French name.

His first efforts in the Prospects on the Rubicon (1787) were directed against Pitt's war policy, and towards securing friendly relations with France.

Pitt "used to say," according to Lady Hester Stanhope, "that Tom Paine was quite in the right, but then he would add, `What am I to do?

In 1757, through the influence of William Pitt (afterwards earl of Chatham), with whom he had formed an intimate friendship while at Eton, he received the appointment of attorney-general.

Within a few months he was reinstated in this office under the Pitt administration, and held it till his death.

In April 1754 Townshend was transformed from the position of a member of the board of trade, which he had held from 1749, to that of a lord of the admiralty, but at the close of 1 755 his passionate attack against the policy of the ministry, an attack which shared in popular estimation with the scathing denunciations of Pitt, the supreme success of Single-Speech Hamilton, and the hopeless failure of Lord Chesterfield's illegitimate son, caused his resignation.

In the administration which was formed in November 1756, and which was ruled by Pitt, the lucrative office of treasurer of the chamber was given to Townshend, and in the following spring he was summoned to the privy council.

With the accession of the new monarch in 1760 this volatile politician transferred his attentions from Pitt to the young king's favourite, Bute, and when in 1761, at the latter's instance, several changes were made in the ministry, Townshend was promoted to the post of secretary-at-war.

The position which he refused from the hands of Lord Rockingham he accepted from Pitt in August 1766, and a few weeks later his urgent appeals to the great minister for increased power were favourably answered, and he was admitted to the inner circle of the cabinet.

In the winter of 1757 his health broke down, but in the next year he had the pleasure of commanding the advance guard of the expedition under General John Forbes which occupied Fort Duquesne and renamed it Fort Pitt.

Messier, Pitt, Sarmiento and Smyth's Channels, which form a comparatively safe and remarkably'picturesque inside route for small steamers, about 338 m.

The book contained much invective against Pitt, and in after life Coleridge declared that, with this exception, and a few pages involving philosophical tenets which he afterwards rejected, there was little or nothing he desired to retract.

He had vehemently opposed Pitt's policy, but a change came over his way of thought, and he found himself separated from Fox on the question of a struggle with Napoleon.

In parliament he gave a general and independent support to Pitt.

In 1788 he was appointed solicitor-general, and was knighted, and at the close of this year he attracted attention by his speeches in support of Pitt's resolutions on the state of the king (George III., who then laboured under a mental malady) and the delegation of his authority.

In February 1801 the ministry of Pitt was succeeded by that of Addington, and the chief justice now ascended the woolsack.

In the latter year we find him conducting the negotiations which resulted in the dismissal of Addington and the recall of Pitt to office as prime minister.

Lord Eldon was continued in office as chancellor under Pitt; but the new administration was of short duration, for on the 23rd of January 1806 Pitt died, worn out with the anxieties of office, and his ministry was succeeded by a coalition, under Lord Grenville.

He was the younger son of Robert Pitt of Boconnoc, Cornwall, and grandson of Thomas Pitt (1653-1726), governor of Madras, who was known as "Diamond" Pitt, from the fact of his having sold a diamond of extraordinary size to the regent Orleans for something like £135,000.

William Pitt was educated at Eton, and in January 1727 was entered as a gentleman commoner at Trinity College, Oxford.

Accordingly, in February 1735, William Pitt entered parliament as member for Old Sarum.

The best-known specimen of Pitt's eloquence, his reply to the sneers of Horatio Walpole at his youth and declamatory manner,which has found a place in somanyhandbooks of elocution, is evidently, in form at least, the work, not of Pitt, but of Dr Johnson, who furnished the report to the Gentleman's Magazine.

Probably Pitt did say something of the kind attributed to him, though even this is by no means certain in view of Johnson's repentant admission that he had often invented not merely the form, but the substance of entire debates.

In 1742 Walpole was at last forced to succumb to the longcontinued attacks of opposition, and was succeeded as prime minister by the earl of Wilmington, though the real power in the new government was divided between Carteret and the Pelhams. Pitt's conduct on the change of administration was open to grave censure.

The so-called "broad-bottom" administration formed by the Pelhams in 1744, after the dismissal of Carteret, though it included several of those with whom he had been accustomed to act, did not at first include Pitt himself even in a subordinate office.

As her hatred was known to be at least as strong as her love, the legacy was probably as much a mark of her detestation of Walpole as of her admiration of Pitt.

It may be mentioned here, though it does not come in chronological order, that Pitt was a second time the object of a form of acknowledgment of public virtue which few statesmen have had the fortune to receive even once.

It was with no very good grace that the king at length consented to give Pitt a place in the government, although the latter did all he could to ingratiate himself at court, by changing his tone on the questions on which he had made himself offensive.

Although there was no strong public sentiment against the practice, Pitt altogether refused to profit by it.

Conduct like this, though obviously disinterested, did not go without immediate and ample reward, in the public confidence which it created, and which formed the mainspring of Pitt's power as a statesman.

It would appear from his published correspondence that Pitt had a greater influence in shaping its policy than his comparatively subordinate position would in itself have entitled him to.

Pitt in office, looking back on the commencement of his public life, might have used the plea "A good deal has happened since then," at least as justly as some others have done.

In Pitt's case, too, it is to be borne in mind that the opposition with which he had acted gradually dwindled away, and that it ceased to have any organized existence after the death of the prince of Wales in 1751.

Then in regard to the important question with Spain as to the right of search, Pitt has disarmed criticism by acknowledging that the course he followed during Wapole's administration was indefensible.

All due weight being given to these various considerations, it must be admitted, nevertheless, that Pitt did overstep the limits within which inconsistency is usually regarded as venial.

To Pitt the change brought no advancement, and he had thus an opportunity of testing the truth of the description of his chief given by Sir Robert Walpole, "His name is treason."

Pitt continued at his post; and at the general election which took place during the year he even accepted a nomination for the duke's pocket borough of Aldborough.

At length, just after the meeting of parliament in November 1751, Pitt was dismissed from office, having on the debate on the address spoken at great length against a new system of continental subsidies, proposed by the government of which he was a member.

Another year had scarcely passed when Pitt was again in power.

The inherent weakness of the government, the vigour and eloquence of his opposition, and a series of military disasters abroad combined to rouse a public feeling of indignation which could not be withstood, and in December 1756 Pitt, who now sat for Okehampton, became secretary of state, and leader of the Commons under the premiership of the duke of Devonshire.

From the political deadlock that ensued relief could only be had by an arrangement between Newcastle and Pitt.

After some weeks' negotiation, in the course of which the firmness and moderation of "the Great Commoner," as he had come to be called, contrasted favourably with the characteristic tortuosities of the crafty peer, matters were settled on such a basis that, while Newcastle was the nominal, Pitt was the virtual head of the government.

During the four years of its existence it has been usual to say that the biography of Pitt is the history of England, so thoroughly was he identified with the great events which make this period, in so far as the external relations of the country are concerned, one of the most glorious in her annals.

A detailed account of these events belongs tc, history; all that is needed in a biography is to point out the extent to which Pitt's personal influence may really be traced in them.

Pitt, the first real Imperialist in modern English history, was the directing mind in the expansion of his country, and with him the beginning of empire is rightly associated.

The Seven Years' War might well, moreover, have been another Thirty Years' War if Pitt had not furnished Frederick with an annual subsidy of £700,000, and in addition relieved him of the task of defending western Germany against France.

Contemporary opinion was, of course, incompetent to estimate the permanent results gained for the country by the brilliant foreign policy of Pitt.

The victorious policy of Pitt destroyed the military prestige which repeated experience has shown to be in France as in no other country the very life of monarchy, and thus was not the least considerable of the many influences that slowly brought about the French Revolution.

It is such far-reaching results as these, and not the mere acquisition of a single colony, however valuable, that constitute Pitt's claim to be considered.

Between Bute and Pitt there speedily arose an occasion of serious difference.

The existence of the so-called family compact by which the Bourbons of France and Spain bound themselves in an offensive alliance against England having been brought to light, Pitt urged that it should be met by an immediate declaration of war with Spain.

To this course Bute would not consent, and as his refusal was endorsed by all his colleagues save Temple, Pitt had no choice but to leave a cabinet in which his advice on a vital question had been rejected.

In connexion with the latter gracefully bestowed honour it may be mentioned that Pitt's domestic life was a singularly happy one.

Pitt's spirit was too lofty to admit of his entering on any merely factious opposition to the government he had quitted.

When next year the question of general warrants was raised in connexion with the case of Wilkes, Pitt vigorously maintained their illegality, thus defending at once the privileges of Parliament and the freedom of the press.

The Repeal Act, indeed, was only passed pari passe with another censuring the American assemblies, and declaring the authority of the British parliament over the colonies "in all cases whatsoever"; so that the House of Commons repudiated in the most formal manner the principle Pitt laid down.

Pitt had not been long out of office when he was solicited to return to it, and the solicitations were more than once renewed.

Unsuccessful overtures were made to him in 1763, and twice in 1765, in May and June - the negotiator in May being the king's uncle, the duke of Cumberland, who went down in person to Hayes, Pitt's seat in Kent.

In July 1766 Rockingham was dismissed, and Pitt was entrusted by the king with the task of forming a government entirely on his own conditions.

Pitt chose for himself the office of lord privy seal, which necessitated his removal to the House of Lords; and in August he became earl of Chatham and Viscount Pitt.

The instantaneous revulsion of public feeling was somewhat unreasonable, for Pitt's health seems now to have been beyond doubt so shattered by his hereditary malady, that he was already in old age though only fifty-eight.

Dr Johnson is reported to have said that "Walpole was a minister given by the king to the people, but Pitt was a minister given by the people to the king," and the remark correctly indicates Chatham's distinctive place among English statesmen.

William Pitt, Earl of Chatham (2 vols., 1827), is a ponderous and shapeless work.

See also the separate article on William Pitt, and the authorities referred to, especially the Rev. William Hunt's appendix i.

See Francis Fessenden, Life and Public Services of William Pitt Fessenden (2 vols., Boston, 1907).

Having published in 1801 The Crimes of Cabinets, or a Review of the Plans and Aggressions for Annihilating the Liberties of France, and the Dismemberment of her Territories, an attack on the military policy of Pitt, he moved, in 1802, from England to Paris.

Nant Colwyn is on the road from Carnarvon to Beddgelert, beyond Llyn y gader (gadair), "chair pool," and what tourists have fancifully called Pitt's head, a roadside rock resembling, or thought to resemble, the great statesman's profile.

Never since Pitt had a minister enjoyed a greater share of popularity and power, and, unlike Pitt, Palmerston had the prestige of victory in war.

This was based on an old manuscript collection of poetry, rescued by Percy in Humphrey Pitt's house at Shifnal, Shropshire, from the hands of the housemaid who was about to light the fire with it.

He acted many times as Indian agent; his lucrative trade with the Indians, conducted from a trading house near Fort Pitt, was ruined during Pontiac's conspiracy.

Fort Pitt was one of the important objective points of Pontiac's conspiracy (1763), and as soon as the intentions of the Indians became evident, Captain Simeon Ecuyer, the Swiss officer in command of the garrison (which then numbered about 330), had the houses outside the ramparts levelled and prepared for a siege.

In 1764 Colonel Bouquet added to the fort a redoubt, the " Block House," which still stands, the sole remaining trace of Fort Pitt, and is owned and cared for by the Daughters of the American Revolution.

A second town, laid out in 1764, by Colonel John Campbell (with the permission of the commandant at Fort Pitt), is bounded in the present city by Water Street, Market Street, Second Avenue and Ferry Street, and comprises four blocks.

To this transaction the commissioner from Virginia seems to have made no objection, though the tract included the Fort Pitt region and other territory then claimed by Virginia.

At this time the settlement about Fort Pitt consisted of about twenty houses, occupied chiefly by Indian traders.

In January 1774 it was occupied by an armed force under Dr John Connolly, a partisan of Lord Dunmore, governor of Virginia, and by him was named Fort Dunmore (which name, however, was never formally recognized), this being one of Dunmore's overt acts ostensibly in support of his contention that the Fort Pitt region was included in Augusta (disambiguation)|Augusta county, Virginia.

In the following April Connolly took forcible possession of the court-house at Hanna's Town (near the present Greensburg), the county-seat of Westmoreland county (which then included the Fort Pitt region), a few days afterwards arrested the three justices who lived in Pittsburg, and for the remainder of the year terrorized the settlement.

A year afterwards Fort Pitt was occupied by a company of Virginia soldiers by order of the Virginia Provincial Convention (assembled at Williamsburg in August 1775), but this move apparently was more for the defence of the frontier in the coming war than an expression on the Pennsylvania-Virginia boundary dispute; and, in November, Connolly was arrested at Fredericksburg, Maryland, on the charge of furthering Dunmore's plans for invading the western frontier.

Soon after the close of the war it was neglected, and by 1791 it was in bad repair; therefore at the time of the Indian hostilities of 1792 another stockade fort was built near the bank of the Allegheny river and about a quarter of a mile above the site of Fort Pitt, this new fort being named Fort Lafayette, or, as it was more commonly called, Fort Fayette.

Soon after coming to London he became acquainted with Pitt in some uncertain way.

He therefore took his place among the followers of Pitt.

It is, however, only fair to note that he always regarded Pitt with strong personal affection, and that he may very naturally have been influenced, as multitudes of other Englishmen were, by the rapid development of the French Revolution from a reforming to an aggressive and conquering force.

Enlightened self-interest was doubtless combined with honest conviction in ranking him among the followers of Pitt.

From 1793 to 1801 he was the devoted follower of Pitt, was in minor though important office, and was the wittiest of the defenders of the ministry in parliament and in the press.

His position as under-secretary brought him into close relations with Pitt and the foreign secretary, Lord Grenville (q.v.).

During the negotiations for peace at Lille (1797), Canning was actively concerned in the devices which were employed by Pitt and Grenville to keep the real character of the discussion secret from other members of the cabinet.

He disliked his immediate chief Grenville, one of the Whigs who joined Pitt, and a man of thoroughly Whiggish aristocratic insolence, In 1799 he left the foreign office and was named one of the twelve commissioners for India, and in 1800 joint paymaster of the forces, a post which he held till the retirement of Pitt in 1801.

While out of office with Pitt, Canning proved a somewhat insubordinate follower.

On the formation of Pitt's second ministry he took the post of treasurer of the navy on the 1 2th of May 1804.

Though his relations with Pitt began fo be somewhat strained towards the end, he left office on the minister's death on the 21st of January 1806.

Canning, who delivered the eulogy of Pitt in the House of Commons on the 3rd of February, refused to take office in Fox's ministry of "all the talents."

In the reign of George III., even North and Addington were universally acknowledged by that title, though they had little claim to the independence of action of a Walpole or a Pitt.

A government was formed, of which the soul was William Pitt.

Pitt was, in some sort, to the political life of Englishmen what Wesley was to their religious life.

The great Whig families rallied under Ministry Newcastle and drove Pitt from office (1757).

But if of Pitt Pitt could not govern without Newcastles corruption, and Newneither could Newcastle govern without Pitts energy.

There was no feeling in either Pitt or Frederick, such as there was in the men who contended half a century later against Napoleon, that they were fighting the battles of the civilized world.

There was something repulsive as well in the enthusiastic nationalism of Pitt as in the cynical nationalism of Frederick.

And yet the kings authority was indispensable to Pitt, if he was to carry on his conflict against the great families with success.

Unhappily, too, his earliest relations with Pitt involved a dispute on a point on which he was right and Pitt was wrong.

As the war with Spain was inevitable, and as, when it broke out in the following year (1762), it was followed by triumphs for which Pitt had prepared the way, the prescience of the great war-minister appeared to be fully established.

Something, no doubt, had been accomplished by the incorruptibility of Pitt.

The arrogance which Pitt displayed towards foreign nations was displayed by Grenville towards classes of the population of the British dominions.

It was therefore as absurd to argue with Pitt that England had a right to regulate commerce, as it was toargue with Grenville that England had a right to levy taxes.

Pitt would have given bad reasons for going a step in the right direction.

The new ministry was formed by Pitt, who was created earl of Chatham (1766), on the principle of bringing, together men who had Chatham.

They also opposed a bill for parliamentary reform brought in by young William Pitt.

In choosing Pitt, the young son of Chatham, or his prime minister, as soon as he had dismissed the coalition, George III.

Pitt, whose mind was open to wider considerations, proposed to throw open commerce to both nations by removing all the restrictions placed on the trade of Ireland with England and with the rest of the world.

The first attack upon the horrors of the slave-trade was made in 1788; and in the same year, in the debates on the Regency Bill caused by the kings insanity, Pitt defended against Fox the right of parliament to make provision for the exercise of the powers of the crown when the wearer was permanently or temporarily disabled from exercising his authority.

Three men, Fox, Burke and Pitt, however, represented three varieties of opinion into which the nation was very unequally divided.

Pitt occupied ground apart from either Fox or Burke.

The old questions which had divided them from the king and Pitt in 1783 had dwindled into nothing before the appalling question of the immediate present.

What could Pitt do but surrender?

Pitt could not take this view; perhaps no man in his day could be fairly expected to take it.

In appearance the great Whig landowners gave their support to Pitt, and in 1794 some of their leaders, the duke of Portland, Lord Fitzwilliam, and Windham, entered the cabinet to serve under him.

In reality it was Pitt who had pjent and surrendered.

The committee of the House of Commons it once reported that there was evidence of a conspiracy to supersede the House of Commons by a national convention, and Pitt proposed and carried a bill suspending the Habeas Corpus Act.

At last Pitt was forced to yield to the popular clamour, and in 1796 Lord Malmesbury was sent to France to treat fot peace.

The full measure of the intolerable conditions prevailing in the country was revealed by the horrors of the rebellion of 1798, and after this had been suppressed Pitt decided that the only way to deal with the situation was to establish a union between Great Britain and Ireland, similar to that which had proved so successful in the case of England and Scotland.

Pitt, realizing this, had no option but to resign.

He was a man of weak character and narrow intellect, whose main claim to succeed Pitt was that he shared to Addingion the full the Protestant prejudices of king and people.

Save for the commanding personality of Pitt, the new government was scarcely stronger than that which it had replaced.

It had to face the same Whig opposition, led by Fox, who scoffed at the French peril, and reinforced by Addington and his friends; and the whole burden of meeting this opposition fell upon Pitt; for Castlereagh, the only other member of the cabinet in the House of Commons, was of little use in debate.

It served, however, to precipitate the crisis on the continent of Europe; the great army assembled at Boulogne was turned eastwards; by the capitulation of Ulm (October 19) Austria lost a large part of her forces; and the last news that reached Pitt on his A t lit death-bed was that of the ruin of all his hopes by the US er Z crushing victory of Napoleon over the Russians and Austrians at Austerlitz (December 2).

Pitt died on the 23rd of January, and the refusal of Lord Hawkesbury to assume the premiership forced the king to Death of summon Lord Grenville, and to agree to the inclusion Pitt.

Addrngton (now Lord Sidmouth), who had rejoined the ministry in December 1804 and again resigned, owing to a disagreement with Pitt as to the charges against Lord Melville (q.v.) in July 1805.

Szalay also wrote remarkable studies on Pitt, Fox, Mirabeau and other statesmen, and contributed very considerably to the codification of Magyar law.

They were unable to stand against the coldness of the king, against the hostility of the powerful and selfish faction of Bedford Whigs, and, above all, against the towering predominance of William Pitt.

That Pitt did not join them is one of the many fatal miscarriages of history, as it is one of the many serious reproaches to be made against that extraordinary man's chequered and uneven course.

An alliance between Pitt and the Rockingham party was the surest guarantee of a wise and liberal policy towards the colonies.

The ministry asserted, what no competent jurist would now think of denying, that parliament is sovereign; but they went heartily with Pitt in pronouncing the exercise of the right of taxation in the case of the American colonists to be thoroughly impolitic and inexpedient.

But, when all is told, he never made as much as he spent; and in spite of considerable assistance from Lord Rockingham, amounting it is sometimes said to as much as £30,000, Burke, like the younger Pitt, got every year deeper into debt.

Pitt's debts were the result of a wasteful indifference to his private affairs.

When the Pitt administration was formed in 1766, he might have had office, and Lord Rockingham wished him to accept it, but he honourably took his fate with the party.

The most we can say is that Burke, like Pitt, was too deeply absorbed in beneficent service in the affairs of his country, to have for his own affairs the solicitude that would have been prudent.

The Rockingham ministry had been succeeded by a composite government, of which it was intended that Pitt, now made Lord Chatham and privy seal, should be the real chief.

Young William Pitt, then only in his twenty-fifth year, had been chancellor of the exchequer in Lord Shelburne's short ministry, and had refused to enter the coalition government from an honourable repugnance to join Lord North.

The relations, moreover, between the East India Company and the government were of the most important kind, and occupied Burke's closest attention from the beginning of the American war down to his own India Bill and that of Pitt and Dundas.

Pitt's parliaments were competent to discuss, and willing to pass, all measures for which the average political intelligence of the country was ripe.

And so did Pitt, too, for some time.

Pitt, Grey, Lord Sheffield, all plunged into confused and angry debate as to whether the French Revolution was a good thing, and whether the French Revolution, good or bad, had anything to do with the Quebec Bill.

In July 1794 the duke of Portland, Lord Fitzwilliam, Windham and Grenville took office under Pitt.

Perhaps the one man in England who in his heart approved of it less than any other was William Pitt.

The difference between Pitt and Burke was nearly as great as that between Burke and Fox.

Pitt, on the other hand, as Lord Russell truly says, treated Robespierre and Carnot as he would have treated any other French rulers, whose ambition was to be resisted, and whose interference in the affairs of other nations was to be checked.

In the spring of 1796 Pitt's constant anxiety for peace had become more earnest than ever.

We cannot wonder that the whole nation was stirred to the very depths, or that they strengthened the aversion of the king, of Windham and other important personages in the government against the plans of Pitt.

Owing to his friendship with William Pitt he turned his attention to politics, and after his election as member of parliament for Devizes in 1784 gave a silent but steady support to the ministry of his friend.

By close attention to his parliamentary duties, he obtained a wide knowledge of the rules and procedure of the House of Commons, and this fact together with his intimacy with Pitt, and his general popularity, secured his election as Speaker in June 1789.

Like his predecessors, Addington continued to be a partisan after his acceptance of this office, took part at times in debate when the house was in committee; and on one occasion his partiality allowed Pitt to disregard the authority of the chair.

He enjoyed the confidence of George III., and in the royal interest tried to induce Pitt to withdraw his proposal for a further instalment of relief to Roman Catholics.

Rather than give way on this question Pitt resigned office early in 1801, when both he and the king urged Addington to form a government.

Addington consented, and after some delay caused by the king's illness, and by the reluctance of several of Pitt's followers to serve under him, became first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer in March 1801.

The new prime minister, who was specially acceptable to George, was loyally supported by Pitt; and his first important work, the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens in March 1802, made him popular in the country.

Signs, however, were not wanting that the peace would soon be broken, and Pitt, dissatisfied with the ministry for ignoring the threatening attitude of Napoleon, and making no preparations for a renewal of the war, withdrew his support.

Addington then took steps to strengthen the forces of the crown, and suggested to Pitt that he should join the cabinet and that both should serve under a new prime minister.

This offer was declined, and a similar fate befell Addington's subsequent proposal to serve under Pitt.

When the struggle with France was renewed in May 1803, it became evident that as a war minister Addington was not a success; and when Pitt became openly hostile, the continued confidence of the king and of a majority in the House of Commons was not a sufficient counterpoise to the ministry's waning prestige.

Pitt, who now returned to office, was soon reconciled with his old friend; in January 1805 Addington was created Viscount Sidmouth, and became lord president of the council.

He felt aggrieved, however, because his friends were not given a larger share of power, and when Pitt complained because some of them voted against the ministry, Sidmouth left the cabinet in July 1805.

There, in spite of a growing antipathy to the Revolution, Pitt earnestly desired to maintain peace.

Colonel William Preston, county surveyor of Fincastle county, within which the 2000-acre tract lay, refused to approve Captain Bullitt's survey, and had the lands resurveyed in the following year, nevertheless the tract was conveyed in December 1773 by Lord Dunmore to his friend Dr John Connolly, a native of Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, who had served in the British army, as commander of Fort Pitt (under Dunmore's appointment), was an instigator of Indian troubles which culminated in the Battle of Point Pleasant, and was imprisoned from 1775 until nearly the close of the War of American Independence for attempting under Dunmore's instructions to organize the "Loyal Foresters," who 1 Louisville cement, one of the best-known varieties of natural cement, was first manufactured in Shipping Port, a suburb of Louisville, in 1829 for the construction of the Louisville & Portland Canal; the name is now applied to all cement made in the Louisville District in Kentucky and Indiana.

He soon found his way into the fast political society of London, and at the club at Goosetrees renewed an acquaintance begun at Cambridge with Pitt, which ripened into a friendship of the closest kind.

In the autumn of 1783 he set out with Pitt on a tour in France; and after his return his eloquence proved of great assistance to Pitt in his struggle against the majority of the House of Commons.

Pitt entered heartily into their plans, and recommended Wilberforce to undertake the guidance of the project as a subject suited to his character and talents.

In 1788, however, a serious illness compelled him to retire for some months from public life, and the introduction of the subject in parliament therefore devolved on Pitt, whose representations were so far successful that an act was passed providing that the number of slaves carried in ships should be in proportion to the tonnage.

On the 12th of May of the following year Wilberforce, in co-operation with Pitt, brought the subject of abolition again before the House of Commons; but the friends of the planters succeeded in getting the matter deferred.

Notwithstanding his unremitting labours in educating public opinion and annual motions in the House of Commons, it was not till 1807, the year following Pitt's death, that the first great step towards the abolition of slavery was accomplished.

He died at London on the 29th of July 1833, and was buried in Westminster Abbey close to Pitt, Fox and Canning.

Tandy persuaded the corporation of Dublin to condemn by resolution Pitt's amended commercial resolutions in 1785.

P were rejected by Pitt, and who founded the United Irishmen.

Pitt had some time before (1785) offered a commercial partnership, which had been rejected on the ground that it involved the ultimate right of England to tax Ireland.

In 1758 William Pitt caused Amherst to be made a major-general, and gave him command of an expedition to attack the French in North America.

For the great plan of conquering Canada, Pitt chose young and ardent officers, with Amherst, distinguished for steadiness and self-control, as their commander-in-chief.

Germany, to stem which Pitt, back in power, appealed once more to an Anglo-Austro-Russian coalition against this new Charlemagne, who was trying to renew the old Empire, who was mastering France, Italy and Germany; who finally on the 2nd of December 1804 placed the imperial crown upon his head, after receiving the iron crown of the Lombard kings, and made Pius VII.

Pitt was now very zealous in defending the interests of his employers against the new East India Company, and in protecting their settlements from the attacks of the natives; in directing the commercial undertakings of the company he also appears to have been very successful.

During his residence in India Pitt bought for about £20,000 the fine diamond which was named after him; in 1717 he sold this to the regent of France, Philip duke of Orleans, for -180,000 or, according to another account, for £135,000.

During his former stay in England Pitt had bought a good deal of property, including the manor of Old Sarum, and for a short time he had represented this borough in parliament.

He left office in June 1783, but in the following December he became paymaster-general of the forces under his cousin, William Pitt, and in 1786 vice-president of the committee of trade.

He was doubtless regarded by Pitt as the man best fitted to carry out his policy with reference to France, but in the succeeding years he and his chief were frequently at variance on important questions of foreign policy.

In February 1801 he resigned office with Pitt because George III.

When Pitt returned to power in 1804 Grenville refused to join the ministry unless his political ally, Fox, was also admitted thereto; this was impossible and he remained out of office until February 1806, when just after Pitt's death he became the nominal head of a coalition government.

His wife, whom he married in 1792, was Anne (1772-1864), daughter of Thomas Pitt, 1st Baron Camelford, but he had no issue and his title became extinct.

She didn't want to die, and she didn't want to spend the rest of her life without ever seeing the sun again like Brad Pitt in Interview with the Vampire.

Pitt accepted, despite his failing health, possible alcoholism and limited support in the House of Commons.

This movie features a somewhat controversial scene in which Dunst, then aged eleven, had to kiss Brad Pitt, who was 29.

Come and give old Pitt a kiss, like a good little gal.

The handsome star beat off competition from screen heartthrobs Brad Pitt and Johnny Depp to win the award from America's People magazine.

Burke, Canning and Pitt would have remained impotent there.

Pitt has long been friendly with Moore, says the insider.

His dark, bestselling memoir Kitchen Confidential is being made into a film starring Brad Pitt.

Jennifer has apparently invited former mother-in-law Jane Pitt to the wedding even tho a date has yet to be set.

She's just overexposed in more ways than one... Brad Pitt or Justin Timberlake?

Again, could he but do the accent, Brad Pitt might not do too badly... oy!

The church built by Thomas Pitt was in a plain style, of red brick with stone cornices and angle pilasters.

Parallel activities (for example on Javanese shadow puppets) can be arranged in the Pitt Rivers Museum.

The dilemma was resolved by William Pitt the Elder, who successively urged complete repeal.

Brad Pitt's brother, Doug Pitt, has denied rumors that his family had a row with Angelina Jolie.

Sinbad (voiced by Brad Pitt) is the most daring and notorious rogue ever to sail the seven seas.

Pitt the Elder was a particularly virulent opponent of the terms of the treaty.

The court accused him of being at the bottom of every popular movement, and saw the "gold of Orleans" as the cause of the Reveillon riot and the taking of the Bastille, as the republicans later saw the "gold of Pitt" in every germ of opposition to themselves.

Dundas, Pitt's favourite subordinate, had already committed himself by his earlier resolution of censure; and Pitt was induced by motives which are still obscure to incline the ministerial majority to the same side.

Continuing the line of conduct which in most other men would be called hypocrisy, he forwarded a petition to Pitt praying that he might be reimbursed his costs from the public funds.

A very able speech in connexion with a famous forgery case having drawn attention to his talents, his success was from that time rapid, he was soon regarded as the leading counsel on the Midland circuit, and in 1796 became a K.C. Entering parliament for Northampton in April of that year, he distinguished himself by his speeches in support of the administration of Pitt.