Palmerston Sentence Examples

Lord Palmerston's death in October 1865 was followed by the formation of the RussellGladstone ministry and the introduction of the Reform Bill of 1866.

Stansfeld was vigorously defended by Bright and Forster, and his explanation was accepted as quite satisfactory by Palmerston.

Although united on free trade and in general on questions of domestic reform, a cabinet which contained Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, in addition to Aberdeen, was certain to differ on questions of foreign policy.

Palmerston, supported by Russell and well served by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, British ambassador at Constantinople, favoured a more aggressive policy, and Aberdeen, unable to control Palmerston, and unwilling to let Russell go, cannot be exonerated from blame.

He smoothed the way for Palmerston to succeed rim, and while the earl of Clarendon remained at the foreign office he aided him with advice and was consulted on matters of moment.

He retained his post under Lord Palmerston's ministry until July 18J5, when, in consequence of the death of Lord Dalhousie and a vacancy in the governor-generalship of India, he was selected by Lord Palmerston to succeed to that great position.

The publication of A Journal written during an Excursion in Asia Minor (London, 1839) roused such interest that Lord Palmerston, at the request of the British Museum authorities, asked the British consul at Constantinople to get leave from the sultan to ship a number of the Lycian works of art.

From the outset of his career he was known to be a most Liberal Conservative, and in 1855 Lord Palmerston offered him the post of colonial secretary.

At the beginning of the Insurrection of 1831 he was sent to London to obtain the assistance, or at least the mediation, of England; but the only result of his mission was the publication of the pamphlet Menzoire presente a Lord Palmerston (Warsaw, 1831).

He brought forward a motion in parliament to this effect, which led to a long and memorable debate, lasting over four nights, in which he was supported by Sydney Herbert, Sir James Graham, Gladstone, Lord John Russell and Disraeli, and which ended in the defeat of Lord Palmerston by a majority of sixteen.

On the dissolution which followed Lord Palmerston's defeat, Cobden became candidate for Huddersfield, but the voters of that town gave the preference to his opponent, who had supported the Russian War and approved of the proceedings at Canton.

Lord Palmerston was again prime minister, and having discovered that the advanced liberal party was not so easily "crushed" as he had apprehended, he made overtures of reconciliation, and invited Cobden and Milner Gibson to become members of his government.

In a frank, cordial letter which was delivered to Cobden on his landing in Liverpool, Lord Palmerston offered him the presidency of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the Cabinet.

On his arrival in London he called on Lord Palmerston, and with the utmost frankness told him that he had opposed and denounced him so frequently in public, and that he still differed so widely from his views, especially on questions of foreign policy, that he could not, without doing violence to his own sense of duty and consistency, serve under him as minister.

Lord Palmerston tried good-humouredly to combat his objections, but without success.

But though he declined to share the responsibility of Lord Palmerston's administration, he was willing to act as its representative in promoting freer commercial intercourse between England and France.

Towards the close of 1859 he called upon Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell and Gladstone, and signified his intention to visit France and get into communication with the emperor and his ministers, with a view to promote this object.

Lord Palmerston offered him a baronetcy and a seat in the privy council, and the emperor of the French would gladly have conferred upon him some distinguished mark of his favour.

When the clerk read the orders of the day Lord Palmerston rose, and in impressive and solemn tones declared "it was not.possible for the House to proceed to business without every member recalling to his mind the great loss which the House and country had sustained by the event which took place yesterday morning."

On the 9th of August 1832 Mahmud made, through Stratford Canning, a formal proposal for an alliance with Great Britain, which Palmerston refused to consider for fear of offending France.

In 1855 he refused from Lord Palmerston an office not connected with foreign affairs, was elected lord rector of Aberdeen university, and on 15th June moved a resolution in the House of Commons (defeated by a large majority) declaring that in public appointments merit had been sacrificed to private influence and an adherence to routine.

He unsuccessfully contested York in 1859, but was elected for Southwark in 1860, and from 1861 to 1866 was under-secretary for foreign affairs in the successive administrations of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell.

In reply to a question in the House of Commons, Lord Palmerston accepted and adopted Gladstone's statement, expressed keen sympathy with the cause which he had espoused, and sent a copy of his letter to the queen's representative at every court of Europe.

Lord Palmerston became prime minister.

Lord Palmerston soon saw that further resistance was useless; his Peelite colleagues stuck to their text, and, within three weeks after resuming office, Gladstone, Sir James Graham and Mr Sidney Herbert resigned.

In 1858 Lord Palmerston was succeeded by Lord Derby at the head of a Conservative administration, and Gladstone accepted the temporary office of high commissioner extraordinary to the Ionian Islands.

Lord Palmerston became prime minister, and asked Gladstone to join him as chancellor of the exchequer.

During Lord Palmerston's last administration, which lasted from 1859 to 1865, Gladstone was by far the most brilliant and most conspicuous figure in the cabinet.

The result of the general election was to retain Lord Palmerston's Leader of Leader of Liberal party.

Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston were naturally jealous of the prince's interference - and of King Leopold's and Baron Stockmar's - in state affairs; but Lord Melbourne took the common-sense view that a husband will control his wife whether people wish it or not.

At the end of 1851 an important event took place, which ended a long-standing grievance on the part of the queen, in Lord Palmerston's dismissal from the office of foreign secre- The tary on account of his expressing approval of Louis Napoleon's coup d'etat in Paris.

Lord Palmerston had never been persona grata at court.

The queen had more than once to remind her foreign secretary that his despatches must be seen by her before they were sent out, and though Palmerston assented, the queen's complaint had to be continually repeated.

She also protested to the prime minister (Lord John Russell) in 1848, 1849 and 1850, against various instances in which Palmerston had expressed his own personal opinions in matters of foreign affairs, without his despatches being properly approved either by herself or by the cabinet.

Lord John Russell, who did not want to offend his popular and headstrong colleague, did his best to smooth things over; but the queen remained exceedingly sore, and tried hard to get Palmerston removed, without success.

The queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter to Lord Palmerston."

Lord Palmerston took a copy of this letter, and promised to attend to its direction.

This was too much even for Lord John Russell, and after a short and decisive correspondence Lord Palmerston resigned the seals of office.

After Palmerston's enforced resignation, there was a new and more absurd hubbub.

In July 1861 he accepted from Lord Palmerston the office of solicitor-general, a knighthood, and a safe seat for the borough of Richmond in Yorkshire, secured for him through the friendly action of Lord Zetland, and thus began the second spell of Palmer's membership of the House of Commons, which continued till his elevation to the woolsack and the peerage.

Gielguch, with documents relating to his negotiations with Pitt, and conversations with Palmerston in 1832 (2 vols., London, 1888) .

Nor is this eminence merely due to his great opportunity in 1870; for Guizot might under Louis Philippe have almost made himself a French Walpole, at least a French Palmerston, and Lamartine's opportunities after 1848 were, for a man of political genius, illimitable.

His cabinet included at the first Huskisson, Palmerston and other followers of Canning.

He had indeed none of the sympathy with national causes which began to influence British policy under Canning, and which became so powerful under Palmerston; but the rule which he followed in foreign affairs, so far as he considered it possible, was that of non-intervention.

In March 1857 Viscount Palmerston advanced him to the deanery of Canterbury, where, till his death on the 12th of January 1871, he lived the same strenuous and diversified life that had always characterized him.

In Palmerston's penal dissolution in the latter year, Bright was rejected by Manchester, but in August, while ill and absent, Birmingham elected him without a contest.

He returned to parliament in 1858, and in February seconded the motion which threw out Lord Palmerston's government.

Palmerston's death in the early autumn brought Lord John Russell into power, and for the first time Bright gave his support to the government.

Lord Palmerston was opposed to this project, and the British opposition delayed the ratification of the concession by the Porte for two years.

Palmerston, however, did not share Canning's belief in the possible regeneration of Turkey; he held that an isolated intervention of Great Britain would mortally offend not only Russia but France, and that Mehemet Ali, disappointed of his ambitions, would find in France a support that would make him doubly dangerous.1 In the autumn Sultan Mahmud, as a last independent effort, despatched against Ibrahim the army which, under Reshid Pasha, had been engaged in pacifying Albania.

It bears elaborate pencil notes in Palmerston's handwriting, in part already obliterated.

On the ist of August Palmerston wrote to Ponsonby impressing upon him that the representatives of the powers, in their communications with the Porte, "should act not only simultaneously in point of time, but identically in point of manner" - a principle important in view of later developments.

Austria, too, now that the revolutionary spectres of 1830 had been laid, was reverting to her traditional opposition to Russia in the affairs of the Near East, and Metternich supported Palmerston's proposal of an international conference at Vienna.

Palmerston listened to the tsar's proposals, conveyed through Baron Brunnow, "with surprise and admiration."

Palmerston, on the other hand, believed that the Ottoman empire would never be secure until "the desert had been placed between" the pasha of Egypt and the sultan; and the view that the coalition should be directed against Mehemet Ali was shared by the other powers.

For nearly a year the diplomatic pourparlers continued without an agreement being reached; France insisted on Mehemet Ali's receiving the hereditary pashalik of Syria as well as that of Egypt, a proposition to which Palmerston, though sincerely anxious to preserve the Anglo-French entente, refused to agree.

The diplomacy of Guizot, backed now by Austria and Prussia, had succeeded in persuading Palmerston to concede the principle of allowing Mehemet Ali to receive, besides Egypt, the pashalik of Acre as far as the frontiers of Tripoli and Damascus (May 7).

Palmerston, indeed, who did not believe that under the Bourgeois Monarchy France would translate her brave words into action, was in favour of settling the Turco-Egyptian question once for all by depriving Mehemet Ali of Egypt as well.

When therefore, on the 8th of October, Guizot, in an interview with Palmerston, presented what was practically an ultimatum on the part of France, "it was determined that this intimation should be met in a friendly spirit, and that Lord Palmerston should see the Ministers of the other powers and agree with them to acquaint the French that they with England would use their good offices to induce the Porte not to insist on the deprivation of Mehemet Ali so far as Egypt is concerned."

In accordance with this Palmerston instructed Ponsonby to press upon the sultan, in the event of Mehemet Ali's speedy submission, not only to withdraw the sentence of deprivation but to confer upon him the hereditary pashalik of Egypt.

It was, however, soon clear that Palmerston's diagnosis of the temper of the French bourgeois was correct; the clamour for war subsided; on the 4th of December the address on the Egyptian Question proposed by the government was carried, and peace was assured.

This arrangement was ratified by Palmerston; and all four powers now combined to press it on the reluctant Porte, pointing out, in a joint note of the 30th of January 1841, that "they were not conscious of advising a course out of harmony with the sovereignty and legitimate rights of the sultan, or contrary to the duties imposed on the Pasha of Egypt as a subject appointed by His Highness to govern a province of the Ottoman Empire."

In 1854, accordingly, during the Crimean War, an Anglo-French force attacked and destroyed the fortress of Bomersund, against the erection of which Palmerston had protested without effect some twenty years previously.

By the 33rd article of the treaty of Paris (1856) this convention, annexed to the final act, was given "the same force and validity as if it formed part thereof," Palmerston declaring in the House of Commons (May 6) that it had "placed a barrier between Russia and the north of Europe."

The Irish branch of the Temple family, from which Lord Palmerston descended, was very distantly related to the great English house of the same name, but these Irish Temples were not without distinction.

From his younger brother, Sir John Temple (1632-1704), who was speaker of the Irish House of Commons, Lord Palmerston descended.

It was no doubt owing to his birth and connexions, but still more to his own talents and character, that Lord Palmerston was thrown at a very early age into the full stream of political and official life.

Lord Palmerston, however, preferred the less important office of secretary-at-war, charged exclusively with the financial business of the army, without a seat in the cabinet, and in this position he remained, without any signs of an ambitious temperament or of great political abilities, for twenty years (1809-1828).

Lord Palmerston never was a Whig, still less a Radical; he was a statesman of the old English aristocratic type, liberal in his sentiments, favourable to the march of progress, but entirely opposed to the claims of democratic government.

Although Lord Palmerston was not in the cabinet, he cordially supported the measures of Canning and his friends.

In this combination the chancellorship of the exchequer was first offered to Lord Palmerston, who accepted it, but this appointment was frustrated by the king's intrigue with Herries, and Palmerston was content to remain secretary-at-war with a seat in the cabinet, which he now entered for the first time.

But the " Canningites," as they were termed, remained, and the duke of Wellington hastened to include Palmerston, Huskisson, Charles Grant, Lamb (Lord Melbourne) and Dudley in his government.

In the, spring of 1828 Palmerston found himself in opposition.

Lord Palmerston was no orator; his language was unstudied, and his delivery somewhat embarrassed; but he generally found words to say the right thing at the right time, and to address the House of Commons in the language best adapted to the capacity and the temper of his audience.

An attempt was made by the duke of Wellington in September 1830 to induce Palmerston to re-enter the cabinet,which he refused to do without Lord Lansdowne and Lord Grey, and from that time forward he may be said to have associated his political fortunes with those of the Whig party.

It was therefore natural that Lord Grey should place the department of foreign affairs in his hands upon the formation of the great ministry of 1830, and Palmerston entered with zeal on the duties of an office over which he continued to exert his powerful influence, both in and out of office, for twenty years.

In presence of these varied dangers, Lord Palmerston was prepared to act with spirit and resolution, and the result was a notable achievement of his diplomacy.

Lord Palmerston conceived and executed the plan of a quadruple alliance of the constitutional states of the West to serve as a counterpoise to the northern alliance.

It is probable that the hesitation of the French court on this question was one of the causes of the extreme personal hostility Lord Palmerston never ceases to show towards the king of the French down to the end of his life, if indeed that sentiment had not taken its origin at a much earlier period.

Nevertheless, at this same time (June 1834) Lord Palmerston wrote that " Paris is the pivot of my foreign policy."

On two former occasions, in 1833 and in 1835, the policy of Lord Palmerston, who proposed to afford material aid to the Porte against the pasha of Egypt, was overruled by the cabinet; and again, in 1839, when Baron Brunnow first proposed the active interference of Russia and England, the offer was rejected.

But in 1840 Lord Palmerston returned to the charge and prevailed.

Palmerston, irritated at her Egyptian policy, flung himself into the arms of the northern powers, and the treaty of the 15th of July 1840 was signed in London without the knowledge or concurrence of France.

Lord Palmerston himself declared in a letter to Lord Melbourne that he should quit the ministry if his policy was not adopted; and he carried his point.

The bombardment of Beira, the fall of Acre, and the total collapse of the boasted power of Mehemet Ali followed in rapid succession, and before the close of the year Lord Palmerston's policy, which had convulsed and terrified Europe, was triumphant, and the author of it was regarded as one of the most powerful statesmen of the age.

Within a few months Lord Melbourne's administration came to an end (1841), and Lord Palmerston remained for five years out of office.

Thiers in France, and of Lord Aberdeen for Lord Palmerston in England, was a fortunate event for the peace of the world.

Lord Palmerston had adopted the opinion that peace with France was not to be relied on, and indeed that war between the two countries was sooner or later inevitable.

Guizot inaugurated a different policy; by mutual confidence and friendly offices they entirely succeeded in restoring the most cordial understanding between the two governments, and the irritation which Lord Palmerston had inflamed gradually subsided.

During the administration of Sir Robert Peel, Lord Palmerston led a retired life, but he attacked with characteristic bitterness the Ashburton treaty with the United States, which closed successfully some other questions he had long kept open.

On this ground, when Lord John Russell attempted, in December 1845, to form a ministry, the combination failed because Lord Grey refused to join a government in which Lord Palmerston should resume the direction of foreign affairs.

A few months later, however, this difficulty was surmounted; the Whigs returned to power, and Palmerston to the foreign office (July 1846), with a strong assurance that Lord John Russell should exercise a strict control over his proceedings.

However little the conduct of the French government in this transaction of the Spanish marriages can be vindicated, it is certain that it originated in the belief that in Palmerston France had a restless and subtle enemy.

Palmerston sympathized, or was supposed to sympathize, openly with the revolutionary party abroad.

Yet his opposition to Austria was chiefly based upon her occupation of great part of Italy and her Italian policy, for Palmerston maintained that the existence of Austria as a great power north of the Alps was an essential element in the system of Europe.

Antipathies and sympathies had a large share in the political views of Lord Palmerston, and his sympathies had ever been passionately awakened by the cause of Italian independence.

Austria, weakened by the revolution, sent an envoy to London to request the mediation of England, based on a large cession of Italian territory; Lord Palmerston rejected the terms he might have obtained for Piedmont.

Prince Schwarzenberg assumed the government of the empire with dictatorial power; and, in spite of what Palmerston termed his " judicious bottle-holding," the movement he had encouraged and applauded, but to which he could give no material aid, was everywhere subdued.

The British government, or at least Palmerston as its representative, was regarded with suspicion and resentment by every power in Europe, except the French republic; and even that was shortly afterwards to be alienated by Palmerston's attack on Greece.

Palmerston had on many occasions taken important steps without their knowledge, which they disapproved.

When Kossuth, the Hungarian leader, landed in England, Palmerston proposed to receive him at Broadlands, a design which was only prevented by a peremptory vote of the cabinet; and in 1850 he took advantage of Don Pacifico's very questionable claims on the Hellenic government to organize an attack on the little kingdom of Greece.'

After a memorable debate (June 17), Palmerston's policy was condemned by a vote of the House of Lords.

The House of Commons was moved by Roebuck to reverse the sentence, which it did (June 29) by a majority of 46, after having heard from Palmerston the most eloquent and powerful speech ever delivered by him, in which he sought to vindicate, not only his claims on the Greek government for Don Pacifico, but his entire administration of foreign affairs.

It was in this speech, which lasted five hours, that Palmerston made the wellknown declaration that a British subject - " Civis Romanus sum " - ought everywhere to be protected by the strong arm of the British government against injustice and wrong.

Yet, notwithstanding this parliamentary triumph, there were not a few of his own colleagues and supporters who condemned the spirit in which the foreign relations of the Crown were carried on; and in that same year the queen addressed a minute to the prime minister in which she recorded her dissatisfaction at the manner in which Lord Palmerston evaded the obligation to submit his measures for the royal sanction as failing in sincerity to the Crown.

This minute was communicated to Palmerston, who did not resign upon it.

These various circumstances, and many more, had given rise to distrust and uneasiness in the cabinet, and these feelings reached their climax when Palmerston, on the occurrence of the coup d'etat by which Louis Napoleon made himself master of France, expressed to the French ambassador in London, without the concurrence of his colleagues, his personal approval of that act.

Palmerston speedily avenged himself by turning out the government on a militia bill; but although he survived for many years, and twice filled the highest office in the state, his career as foreign minister ended for ever, and he returned to the foreign office no more.

Upon the formation of the cabinet of 1853, which was composed by the junction of the surviving followers of Sir Robert Peel with the Whigs, under the earl of Aberdeen, Lord Palmerston accepted with the best possible grace the office of secretary of state for the home office, nor was he ever chargeable with the slightest attempt to undermine that Government.

At the same time George Finlay, the historian, was urging his own grievances against the Greek government, and as both claims were repudiated Palmerston took them up. Eventually Pacifico received a substantial sum.

As the difficulties of the Crimean campaign increased, it was not Lord Palmerston but Lord John Russell who broke up the government by refusing to meet Roebuck's motion of inquiry.

Palmerston remained faithful and loyal to his colleagues in the hour of danger.

Upon the resignation of Lord Aberdeen and the duke of Newcastle, the general sentiment of the House of Commons and the country called Palmerston to the head of affairs, and he entered, on the 5th of February 1855, upon the high office, which he retained, with one short interval, to the day of his death.

Palmerston was in the seventy-first year of his life when he became prime minister of England.

Never since Pitt had a minister enjoyed a greater share of popularity and power, and, unlike Pitt, Palmerston had the prestige of victory in war.

The great events of the succeeding years, the Indian Mutiny, and the invasion of Italy by Napoleon III., belong rather to the general history of the times than to the life of Palmerston; but it was fortunate that a strong and able government was at the head of affairs.

Lord Derby's second administration of 1858 lasted but a single year, Palmerston having casually been defeated on a measure for removing conspiracies to murder abroad from the class of misdemeanour to that of felony, which was introduced in consequence of Orsini's attempt on the life of the emperor of the French.

But in June 1859 Palmerston returned to power, and it was on this occasion that he proposed to Cobden, one of his most constant opponents, to take office, and on the refusal of that gentleman Milner Gibson was appointed to the board of trade, although he had been the prime mover of the defeat of the government on the Conspiracy Bill.

Palmerston had learnt by experience that it was wiser to conciliate an opponent than to attempt to crush him, and that the imperious tone he had sometimes adopted in the House of Commons, and his supposed obsequiousness to the emperor of the French, were the causes of the temporary reverse he had sustained.

Although Palmerston approved the objects of.

Upon the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, Lord Palmerston acknowledged that it was the duty of the British government to stand aloof from the fray; but his own opinion led him rather to desire than to avert the rupture of the Union, which might have been the result of a refusal on the part of England and France to recognize a blockade of the Southern ports, which was notoriously imperfect, and extremely prejudicial to the interests of Europe.

The last transaction in which Palmerston engaged arose out of the attack by the Germanic Confederation, and its leading states Austria and Prussia, on the kingdom of Denmark and the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.

Palmerston endeavoured to induce France and Russia to concur with England in maintaining the Treaty of London, which had guaranteed the integrity of the Danish dominions.

In the following year, on the 18th of October 1865, Lord Palmerston expired at Brocket Hall, after a short illness, in the eighty-first year of his age.

Although there was much in the official life of Lord Palmerston which inspired distrust and alarm to men of a less ardent and contentious temperament, he had a lofty conception of the strength and the duties of England, he was the irreconcilable enemy of slavery, injustice and oppression, and he laboured with inexhaustible energy for the dignity and security of the Empire.

In this respect he was aided with consummate ability by the tact and grace of Lady Palmerston, the widow of the 5th Earl Cowper, whom he married at the close of 1839, and who died in 1869.

Cowper-Temple, afterwards Baron Mount Temple, and then to her grandson Evelyn Ashley (1836-1907) son of her daughter, who married the 7th earl of Shaftesbury - who was Lord Palmerston's private secretary from 1858 to 1865.

A controversy on the boundary of Canada and the United States was provoking increasing bitterness on both sides of the Atlantic. The intervention of Lord Palmerston in Syria, which resulted in a great military success at Acre, was embittering the relations between France and England, while the unfortunate expedition to Afghanistan, which the Whigs had approved, was already producing embarrassment, and was about to result in disaster.

Differences, which it proved impossible to remove, between two prominent Whigs Lord Palmerston and Lord Greymade the task impracticable, and after an interval Sir Robert Peel consented to resume power.

The difficulties which had prevented his forming a ministry in the previous year were satisfactorily arranged, and Lord Palmerston accepted the seals of the foreign office, while Lord Grey was sent to the colonial office., The history of the succeeding years was destined, however, to prove that Lord Grey had had solid reasons for objecting to Lord Palmerstons return to his old post; for, whatever judgment may ultimately be formed on Lord Palmerstons foreign policy, there can be Little doubt that it did not tend to the maintenance of peace.

Lord Palmerston determined to support the Porte in its refusal to give up these exiles, and actually sent the British fleet to the Dardanelles with this object.

As Lord Palmerston was unable by correspondence to induce the Greek government to settle claims of this character, he determined to enforce them; and by his orders a large number of Greek vessels were seized and detained by the British fleet.

The French government tendered its good offices to compose the dispute, and an arrangement was actually arrived at between Lord Palmerston and the French minister in London.

Majesty formally complained to Lord John Russell that important despatches were sent off without her knowledge; and an arrangement was made under which Lord Palmerston undertook to submit every despatch to the queen through the prime minister.

But Lord Palmerston, though all confidence between himself and the court was destroyed, continued in office.

If the queen had had her way, Lord Palmerston would have been removed from the foreign office after this incident.

The cabinet decided to do nothing that could wear the appearance of interference in the internal affairs of France; but Lord Palmerston, in conversation with the French minister in London, took upon himself to approve the bold and decisive step taken by the president.

The ministry naturally refused to tolerate this conduct, and Lord Palmerston was summarily removed from his office.

The removal of Lord Palmerston led almost directly to the fall of the Whig government.

The dismissal of Lord Palmerston from the foreign office in 1851 further increased the embarrassments of the government.

Lord Palmerston, speaking in 1845, had declared that steam had bridged theChannel; and the duke of Wellington had addressed a letter to Sir John Burgoyne, in which he had demonstrated that the country was not in a position to resist an.

Lord Palmerston at once suggested that the regular and not the local militia should be revived; and, in a small house of only 265 members, he succeeded in carrying a resolution to that effect.

Lord Palmerston went to the home office.

Lord Palmerston, on the other hand, had no personal grudge to nurture, but he was convinced that the first duty of England was to support Turkey and to resist Russia.

His resignation was followed by the defeat of the government, and Lord Aberdeen, thus driven from power, was succeeded by Lord Palmerston.

Before the change of administration a conference had been decided on, and Lord Palmerston entrusted its management to Lord John Russell.

Lord Palmerston at once appealed from the House to the country.

Lord Palmerston obtained a decisive victory, and returned to power apparently in irresistible strength.

The cause which led to the second fall of Lord Palmerston was in one sense unexpected.

The House of Commons, reflecting the spitit of the country, blamed Lord Clarendon for neglecting to answer Count Walewskis despatch, and blamed Lord Palmerston for introducing a bill at French dictation.

The wave of popularity which had carried Lord Palmerston to victory in 1857 had lost its strength.

The attempt, however, failed, and the queen thereupon fell back upon Lord Palmerston.

Thus Lord Palmerston had succeeded in combining in one ministry the various representatives of political progress.

The administration which Lord Palmerston succeeded in forming in 1859 endured till his death in 1865, and with slight modifications, under its second chief Lord Jonn (afterwards Earl) Russell, till the summer of 1866.

Lord Palmerston, however, with some tact postponed the controversy for the time by obtaining the appointment of a committee to search for precedents; and, after the report of the committee, he moved a series of resolutions affirming the right of the Commons to grant aids and supplies as their exclusive privilege, stating that the occasional rejection of financial measures by the Lords had always been regarded with peculiar jealousy, but declaring that the Comnions had the remedy in their own hands by so framing bills of supply as to secure their acceptance.

It was understood, indeed, that the relations between the two men were not always harmonious; that Lor4 Palmerstoii disapproved the resolute conduct of Gladstone, and that Gladstone deplored the Conservative tendencies of Lord Palmerston.

A distinguished foreign statesman observed that Lord Palmerston had made a mistake.

Napoleon, indeed, used his influence to carry them into effect; but Lord John Russell, who was now in charge of the British foreign office, and who had Lord Palmerston and Gladstone on his side in, the cabinet, gave a vigorous support to the claim of the Italians that their country should be allowed to regulate her own affairs.

Lord Palmerston proposed and carried the provision of a large sum of, money for the fortification of the coasts; and the volunteer movement, which had its origin in 1859, received a remarkable stimulus in 1860.

Even Lord Palmerston shrank from entering on a campaign which would have involved all Europe in.

Lord Palmerston should not have used the language which he employed in 1863 if he.

The country, after the long political truce which had been maintained by Lord Palmerston, was again ranged in two hostile camps, animated by opposing views.

Lord Derby wanted Lord Palmerston's help, Mr Gladstone's, Mr Sidney Herbert's.

This arrangement could not be made; Lord Derby therefore gave up the attempt to form a ministry and Lord Palmerston came in.

Foreign questions arose which strongly excited English feeling - the arrangements of peace with Russia, Italian struggles for freedom, an American quarrel, the "Arrow" affair and the Chinese war, the affair of the French colonels and the Conspiracy Bill; and as they arose Palmerston gathered into his own sails (except on the last occasion) every wind of popular favour.

Amid all this the Tory fortunes sank rapidly, becoming nearly hopeless when Lord Palmerston, without appreciable loss of confidence on his own side, persuaded many Tories in and out of parliament that Conservatism would suffer little while he was in power.

Lord Palmerston now returned to Downing Street, and while he lived Disraeli and his colleagues had to satisfy themselves with what was meant for useful criticism, though with small hope that it was so for their own service.

It was much more than a joke that Palmerston sheltered Conservative principles under the Liberal flag.

How, then, could it be imagined that with six years of power from his seventieth year, the Jew "adventurer," mysterious and theatrical to the last, should fill a greater space in the mind of England twenty years after death than Peel or Palmerston after five?

He was sent as envoy extraordinary to Florence, to Naples and then to London, where he announced the coup d'etat to Palmerston.

In 1854 he carried, almost without opposition, a most important and complicated act consolidating all existing shipping laws, but in 1855 resigned, with his Peelite colleagues, upon the appointment of Mr Roebuck's Sevastopol inquiry committee, declining the offer of the chancellorship. of the Exchequer pressed upon him by Lord Palmerston.

He obtained a seat in Lord Palmerston's cabinet of 1859, and after filling the uncongenial posts of secretary for Ireland and chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster (1861), became secretary for the colonies in 1864.

Mail was delivered to Palmerston North on December 24 including airmail from Wellington and from Gisborne.

In 1859 he went to the Education Office as vice-president of the Council in Lord Palmerston's ministry; there he pursued a vigorous policy, insisting on the necessity of payment by results, and bringing in the revised code (1862), which embodied this principle and made an examination in "the three R's" the test for grants of public money.

Neither the opposition of Lord Palmerston, who considered the projected disturbance as too radical not to endanger the commercial position of Great Britain, nor the opinions entertained, in France as well as in England, that the sea in front of Port Said was full of mud which would obstruct the entrance to the canal, that the sands from the desert would fill the trenches - no adverse argument, in a word, could dishearten Ferdinand de Lesseps.

Prince Albert had not been described, in the queen's declaration to the privy council, as a Protestant prince; and Lord Palmerston was obliged to ask Baron Stockmar for assurance that Prince Albert did not belong to any sect of Protestants whose rules might prevent him from taking the Sacrament according to the ritual of the English Church.

In all these transactions, whilst full justice must be done to the force and patriotic vigour which Lord Palmerston brought to bear on the questions he took in hand, it was but too apparent that he imported into them an amount of passion, of personal animosity, and imperious language which rendered him in the eyes of the queen and of his colleagues a dangerous minister.

When, however, the Southern envoys were taken by force from the " Trent," a British packet, Palmerston did not hesitate a moment to insist upon a full and complete reparation for so gross an infraction of international law.

On the 3rd viscount's death the titles became extinct, but the estates passed to his sister Emily Mary (1787-1869), the wife of Lord Palmerston.

Though Lord Palmerston stumbled over his Foreign Conspiracy Bill in 1858, his popularity was little damaged, and it was in no hopeful spirit that the Tories took office again in that year.

Mrs Barton, Katherine Spurrell, Duchess of Westminster, Madge Matthew, elegans, Minnie Hume, superbus, Princess of Wales, Magdalina de Graaff, Gem, Grand Duchess, Acis, and Palmerston.