Magyar sentence example
The Magyar clergy was still a married clergy, and their connubial privileges were solemnly confirmed by the synod of Szabolcs, presided over by the king, in 1092.
Podebrad treated Matthias hospitably and affianced him with his daughter Catherine, but still detained him, for safety's sake, in Prague, even after a Magyar deputation had hastened thither to offer the youth the crown.
Having come to an understanding with his father-in-law Podébrad, he was able to turn his arms against the emperor Frederick, and in April 1462 Frederick restored the holy crown for 60,000 ducats and was allowed to retain certain Hungarian counties with the title of king; in return for which concessions, extorted from Matthias by the necessity of coping with a simultaneous rebellion of the Magyar noble in league with Podebrad's son Victorinus, the emperor recognized Matthias as the actual sovereign of Hungary.
The endless tergiversations and depredations of the emperor speedily induced Matthias to declare war against him for the third time (1481), the Magyar king conquering all the fortresses in Frederick's hereditary domains.
Thus, in 1480, when a Turkish fleet seized Otranto, Matthias, at the earnest solicitation of the pope, sent Balasz Magyar to recover the fortress, which surrendered to him on the 10th of May 1481.Advertisement
A fourth humiliating episode in this period was the invasion of the Magyar barbarians, who overran the north of Italy, and reduced its fairest provinces to the condition of a wilderness.
Here he came into contact with the Magyar refugees, who had great hopes of the high-born, high-gifted youth who was also a fellow sufferer, a large portion of his immense estates having been confiscated by the emperor.
On the other hand Boleslaus's ally, the fugitive Magyar prince Bela, succeeded with Polish assistance in winning the crown of Hungary.
The rebellion spread like lightning, principally in the central or purely Magyar provinces, where hundreds of manor-houses and castles were burnt and thousands of the gentry done to death by impalement, crucifixion and other unspeakable methods.
He had already, in 1859, as the result of a visit to Budapest, made certain modifications in the Bach system by way of concession to Magyar sentiment, and in 1861 he had had an interview with Dek, during which, though unconvinced by that statesmans arguments, he had at least assured himself of his loyalty.Advertisement
A law was passed by the Hungarian diet regularizing the libdication of Ferdinand; at the beginning of June Francis Joseph signed the inaugural diploma and took the oath in Magyar to observe the constitution; on the 8th he was solemnly crowned king of Hungary.
This prospect, however, was dissipated by the invasions of the Magyar hordes in the 10th century, the brunt of which was borne by Moravia.
But as the immigrants were of very different foreign nationalities, the country became a collection of heterogeneous ethnical elements, amid which the ruling Magyar race formed only a minority.
Thus in 1900 out of a total civil population of 8,132,740, whose mother-tongue is not Magyar, 1,365,764 could speak Magyar.
The Germans are most numerous in the towns, and tend to become absorbed in the Magyar population.Advertisement
The ancient constitution, often suspended and modified, based upon this charter, was reformed under the influence of Western Liberalism in 1848, the supremacy of the Magyar race, however, being secured by a somewhat narrow franchise.
The official language is Magyar, but the delegates of CroatiaSlavonia may use their own language.
In about 61% of these schools the language used was exclusively Magyar, in about 6 20% it was mixed, and in the remainder some non-Magyar language was used.
A summary of them is annually published under the title Magyar statisztikai Evkonyo (Statistical Year-Book of Hungary).
This was the period of those devastating raids which made the savage Magyar horsemen the scourge and the terror of Europe.Advertisement
Every monastery erected in the Magyar wildernesses was not only a centre of religion, but a focus of civilization.
But conversion, after all, was the chief aim of these devoted missionaries, and when some Venetian priests had invented a Latin alphabet for the Magyar language a great step had been taken towards its accomplishment.
Although he broke off the Magyar tribal system, encouraged the private ownership of land, and even made grants of land on condition of military service... he based his new principle of government, not on feudalism, but on the organization of the Frankish empire, which he adapted.
The right, not often exercised, of the Magyar nobles to meet in general assembly and the elective character of the crown Stephen also did not venture to touch.
As the grandson of St Ladislaus, Manuel had Hungarian blood in his veins; his court was the ready and constant refuge of the numerous Magyar malcontents, and he aimed not so much at the conquest as at the suzerainty of Hungary, by placing one of his Magyar kinsmen on the throne of St Stephen.Advertisement
He successfully supported the claims of no fewer than three pretenders to the Magyar throne, and finally made Bela III.
At one time, indeed, a Magyar archbishop and four or five bishops openly joined the Orthodox communion and willingly crowned Manuel's nominees despite the anathemas of their Catholic brethren.
Unfortunately the fruits of his diligence and foresight were dissipated by the follies of his two immediate successors, Emerich (1196-1204) and Andrew II., who weakened the Ar royal power in attempting to win support by lavish grants of the crown domains on the already over-influential magnates, a policy from which dates the supremacy of the semi-savage Magyar oligarchs, that insolent and self-seeking class which would obey no superior and trampled ruthlessly on every inferior.
The Golden Bull has been described as consecrating the humiliation of the crown by the great barons, whose usurpations it legalized; the more usually accepted view, however, is that it was directed not so much to weakening as to strengthening the crown by uniting its interests with those of the mass of the Magyar nobility, equally threatened by the encroachments of the great barons.
During the four hundred years of the Arpad dominion the nomadic Magyar race had established itself permanently in central Europe, adopted western Christianity and founded a national monarchy on the western model.
They brought from their native Italy a thorough knowledge of the science of government as the middle ages understood it, and the decimation of the Hungarian magnates during the civil wars enabled them to re-create the noble hierarchy on a feudal basis, in which full allowance was made for Magyar idiosyncracies.
In Bosnia the persistent attempts of the Magyar princes to root out the stubborn, crazy and poisonous sect of the Bogomils had alienated the originally amicable Bosnians, and in 1353 Louis was compelled to buy the friendship of their Bar Tvrtko by acknowledging him as king of Bosnia.
It argued no ordinary foresight thus to recognize that Hungary's strategy in her contest with the Turks must be strictly defensive, and the wisdom of Sigismund was justified by the disasters which almost invariably overcame the later Magyar kings whenever they ventured upon aggressive warfare with the sultans.
This was largely due to his friendly intimacy with the majority of the Magyar notables, from among whom he chose his chief counsellors.
In Sigismund's reign the feudal system, for the first time, became deeply rooted in Magyar soil, and it is a lamentable fact that in 15th-century Hungary it is to be seen at its very worst, especially in those wild tracts, and they were many, in which the king's writ could hardly be said to run.
The suffering Magyar multitudes eagerly responded to these seductive teachings, and the result was a series of dangerous popular risings (the worst in 1433 and 1436) in which heresy and communism were inextricably intermingled.
Between 1362 and 1450 no fewer than 4151 Magyar students frequented the university of Vienna, nearly as many went by preference to Prague, and this, too, despite the fact that there were now two universities in Hungary itself, the old foundation of Louis the Great at Pecs, and a new one established at Buda by Sigismund.
It enabled the king to curb the lawlessness of the Magyar nobility, and explains why none of the numerous rebellions against him ever succeeded.
But the moral tone of the Magyar church at this period was very low.
The virtual suppression of Wladislaus was completed at the diet of 1492, when " King All Right " consented to live on the receipts of the treasury, which were barely sufficient to maintain his court, and engaged never to impose any new taxes on his Magyar subjects.
The same diet which destroyed the national armaments and depleted the exchequer confirmed the disgraceful peace of Pressburg, concluded between Wladislaus and the emperor Maximilian on the 7th of November 1491, whereby Hungary retroceded all the Austrian conquests of Matthias, together with a long strip of Magyar territory, and paid a war indemnity equivalent to £200,000.
By the end of October the last Turkish regular had quitted Magyar soil, and, to use the words of a contemporary observer, one quarter of Hungary was as utterly destroyed as if a flood had passed over it.
The Magyar nobles were now systematically spoliated on trumped-up charges of treason; 1 In contradistinction to Turkish Hungary and Transylvanian Hungary.
So long as the Magyar people had any life left, it was bound to fight in self-defence, it was bound to produce " malcontents " resistance.
Between 1678 and 1682 Tokoli waged three wars with Leopold, and, in September 1682, was acknowledged both by the emperor and the sultan as prince of North Hungary as far as the river Garam, to the great relief of the Magyar Protestants.
The peace of Karlowitz marks the term of the Magyar's secular struggle with Mahommedanism and finally reunited her long-separated provinces beneath a common sceptre.
The ruthless suppression of the Magyar malcontents, in which there was little discrimination between the innocent and the guilty, had so crushed the spirit of the country that Leopold considered the time ripe for realizing a long-cherished ideal of the Habsburgs and changing Hungary from an elective into an hereditary monarchy.
Moreover, a neo-acquisita commissio was constituted to inquire into the title-deeds of the Magyar landowners in the old Turkish provinces, and hundreds of estates were transferred, on the flimsiest of pretexts, to naturalized foreigners.
She also attracted the gentry to her capital by forming a Magyar body-guard from the cadets of noble families.
Refusing to be crowned, or even to take the usual oaths of observance, he simply announced his accession to the Hungarian counties, and then deliberately proceeded to break down all the ancient Magyar institutions.
Latin was still to be the official language, but Magyar was now introduced into the university and all the schools.
For the next quarter of a century he, as the champion of legitimacy,was fighting the Revolution on countless battle-fields, and the fearful struggle only bound the Magyar nation closer to the Habsburg dynasty.
Two progressive measures of the highest importance were passed by this diet, one making Magyar the official language of Hungary, the other freeing the peasants' holdings from all feudal obligations.
Magyar was now declared to be the language of the schools and the law-courts as well as of the legislature; mixed marriages were legalized; and official positions were thrown open to non-nobles.
Croats, Vlachs, Serbs and Slovaks resented Magyar domination - a domination which had been carefully secured under the revolutionary constitution by a very narrow franchise, and out of the general chaos each race hoped to create for itself a separate national existence.
All hope of crushing revolutionary Vienna with Magyar aid was thus at an end, and Jellachich, who on the 10th issued a proclamation to the Croat regiments in Italy to remain with their colours and fight for the common fatherland, was free to carry out his policy of identifying the cause of the southern Sla y s with that of the imperial army.
The advance of Jellachich as far as Lake Balaton had not been checked, the Magyar troops, though - contrary to his expectation - none joined him, offering no opposition.
One more attempt at compromise was made, General Count Lamberg l being sent to take command of all the troops, Slav or Magyar, in Hungary, with a view to arranging an armistice.
The fortunes of the German revolutionaries in Vienna and the Magyar revolutionists in Pest were now closely bound up together; and when, on the 11th, Prince Windischgratz laid siege to Vienna, it was to Hungary that the democrats of the capital looked for relief.
On the 7th the Hungarian diet formally refused to acknowledge the title of the new king, " as without the knowledge and consent of the diet no one could sit on the Hungarian throne," and called the nation to arms. Constitutionally, in the Magyar opinion, Ferdinand was still king of Hungary, and this gave to the revolt an excuse of legality.
The counties were administered by imperial officials, Germans, Czechs and Galicians, who did not understand the Magyar tongue.
The Magyar nation stood aloof from it.
Fortunately, in Kalman Tisza, the leader of the Liberal From the first, Tisza was exposed to the violent attacks of the opposition, which embraced, not only the party of Independence, champions of the principles of 1848, but the so-called National party, led by the brilliant orator Count Albert Apponyi, which aimed at much the same ends but looked upon the Compromise of 1867 as a convenient substructure on which to build up the Magyar state.
Yet Tisza's aim also was to convert the old polyglot Hungarian kingdom into a homogeneous Magyar state, and the methods which he employed - notably the enforced magyarization of the subject races, which formed part of the reformed educational system introduced by him - certainly did not err on the side of moderation.
The opposition thereupon proceeded to annul the Lex Daniel (April 7) and stubbornly to clamour for the adoption of the Magyar word of command in the Hungarian part of the common army.
They also laid stress on the fact that Magyar was not, any more than German, the language of many Hungarian regiments, consisting as these did mainly of Slovaks, Vlachs, Serbs and Croats.
In resisting the Magyar word of command, then, the king-emperor was able to appeal to the antiMagyar feeling of the other Hungarian races.
Universal suffrage had already been adopted in the Cis-leithan half of the monarchy; it was an obvious policy to propose it for Hungary also, and thus, by an appeal to the non-Magyar Kristoffy's majority, to reduce the irreconcilable Magyar minority Universal to reason.
The dominant Magyar parties were committed to the principle of franchise reform; but they were determined that this reform should be of such a nature as not to imperil their own hegemony.
Its result, had it passed, would have been to strengthen the representation of the Magyar and German elements, to reduce that of the Slovaks, and almost to destroy that of the Rumans and other non-Magyar races whose educational status was low.
It was not, indeed, simply a reactionary or undemocratic measure; it was, as The Times correspondent pointed out, " a measure sui generis, designed to defeat the objects of the universal suffrage movement that compelled the Coalition to take office in April 1906, and framed in accordance with Magyar needs as understood by one of the foremost Magyar noblemen."
Under this bill culture was to be the gate to a share in political power, and in Hungary culture must necessarily be Magyar.
The conference at Vienna revealed the irreconcilable difference within the ministry; but it revealed also something more - the determination of the emperor Francis Joseph, if pressed beyond the limits of his patience, to appeal again to the non-Magyar Hungarians against the Magyar chauvinists.
Its object was to resist the anti-clerical tendencies of the Liberals, and for this purpose it appealed to the " nationalities " against the dominant Magyar parties, the due enforcement of the Law of Equal Rights of Nationalities (1868) forming a main item of its programme.
A majority was thus secured for the Kossuthist programme of compromise, but a majority so obviously precarious that the king-emperor, influenced also - it was rumoured - by the views of the heirapparent, in an interview with Count Andrassy and Mr Kossuth on the 15th, refused to make any concessions to the Magyar national demands.
The two main items in the published programme of the new government were the introduction of universal suffrage and - even more revolutionary from the Magyar point of view - the substitution of state-appointed for elected officials in the counties.
It is easy to denounce the dominant Magyar classes as a selfish oligarchy, and to criticize the methods by which they have sought to maintain their power.
Of modern histories written in Magyar the most imposing is the History of the Hungarian Nation (to vols., Budapest, 1898), issued to commemorate the celebration of the millennium of the foundation of the monarchy, by Sandor Szilagyi and numerous collaborators.
Of importance, too, is Ignacz Acsady's History of the Magyar Empire (2 vols., Budapest, 1904), though its author is too often ultra-chauvinistic in tone.
Language The Magyar or Hungarian language belongs to the northern or Finno-Ugric (q.v.) division of the Ural-Altaic family, and forms, along with Ostiak and Vogul, the Ugric branch of that division.
Although for nearly a thousand years established in Europe and subjected to Aryan influences, the Magyar has yet retained its essential Ural-Altaic or Turanian features.
Logical in its derivatives and in its grammatical structure, the Magyar language is, moreover, copious in idiomatic expressions, rich in its store of words, and almost musical in its harmonious intonation.
The next best native dictionary is that of Maurice Ballagi, A Magyar nyelv teljes szotdra, (Pest, 1868-1873).
As there are no traces of literary productions in the native or Magyar dialect before the 12th century, the early condition of the language is concealed from the philologist.
Among the literary relics of the 12th century are the Latiatuc " or Halotti Beszed funeral discourse and prayer in Hungarian, to which Dobrentei in his Regi Magyar Nyelvemlekek assigns as a probable date the year 1171 (others, however, 1182 or 1183).
Under the kings of the house of Anjou, the Magyar became the language of the court.
But not until the dawn of the Reformation did Magyar begin in any sense to replace Latin for literary purposes.
The period placed by Hungarian authors between 1 437 and 1530 marks the first development of Magyar literature.
To these monks the first extant Magyar version of part of the Scriptures (the Vienna or Revai Codex') is directly assigned by Dobrentei, but the exact date either of this copy or of the original translation cannot be ascertained.
Amongst other important codices are the Jorddnszky Codex (1516-1519), an incomplete copy of the translation of the Bible made by Ladislaus Batori, who died about 1456; and the Dobrentei or Gyulafehervdr Codex (1508), containing a version of the Psalter, Song of Solomon, and the liturgical epistles and gospels, copied by Bartholomew Halabori from an earlier translation (KSrnyei, A Magyar nemzeti irodalomtortenet vdzlata, 1861, p. 30).
During the latter part of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th two poets of a higher order appeared in Valentine Balassa, the earliest Magyar lyrical writer, and his contemporary John Rimay, whose poems are of a contemplative and pleasing character.
Parispapai compiled an Hungarian-Latin Dictionary, Dictionarium magyar es dedk nyelven (Locse, 1708), and Apaczai-Csere, a Magyar Encyclopaedia (Utrecht, 1653).
From the appearance of the first extant printed Magyar First made known by Coloman Thaly (1871) from a discovery by MM.
Among the few prose writers of distinction were Andrew Spangar, whose " Hungarian Bookstore," Magyar Konyvtdr (Kassa, 1738), is said to be the earliest work of the kind in the Magyar dialect; George Baranyi, who translated the New Testament (Lauba, 1 754); the historians Michael Cserei and Matthew Bel, which last, however, wrote chiefly in Latin; and Peter Bod, who besides his theological treatises compiled a history of Hungarian literature under the title Magyar Athends (Szeben, 1766).
On account of the classic purity of his style in prose, Faludi was known as the " Magyar Cicero."
As a philologist Baroti was far surpassed by Nicholas Revai, but as a poet he may be considered superior to Rajnis, translator of Virgil's Bucolics and Georgics, and author of the Magyar Helikonra vezeto kalauz (Guide to the Magyar Helicon, 1781).
The " classical " school reached its highest state of culture under Virag, whose poetical works, consisting chiefly of Horatian odes and epistles, on account of the perfection of their style, obtained for him the name of the " Magyar Horace."
Valyi-Nagy, the first Magyar 1 The earliest, styled " Song on the Discovery of the right hand of the Holy King Stephen," and printed at Nuremberg by Anton Koburger in 1484, is lost.
The most valuable of his productions is his collection of " Hungarian Proverbs and Famous Sayings," which appeared in 1820 at Szeged, under the title of Magyar peldabeszedek es jeles monddsok.
As writers of didactic poetry may be mentioned John Endrody, Caspar Gobol, Joseph Takacs and Barbara Molnar, the earliest distinguished Magyar poetess.
Of a more general character, and combining the merits of the above schools, are the works of the authors who constituted the socalled "Debreczen Class," which boasts the names of the naturalist and philologist John Foldi, compiler of a considerable part of the Debreczeni magyar grammatica; Michael Fazekas, author of Ludas Matyi (Vienna, 1817), an epic poem, in 4 cantos; and Joseph Kovacs.
Journalistic literature in the native language begins with the Magyar Hirmondo (Harbinger) started by Matthias Rath at Pozsony in 1780.
Among the magazines the most important was the Magyar Muzeum, established at Kassa (Kaschau) in 1788 by Baroti, Kazinczy and Bacsanyi.
The lyric poems of Kolcsey can hardly be surpassed, whilst his orations, and markedly the Emlek beszed Kazinczy felett (Commemorative Speech on Kazinczy), exhibit not only his own powers, but the singular excellence of the Magyar language as an oratorical medium.
Izidore Guzmics, the translator of Theocritus into Magyar hexameters, is chiefly noted for his prose writings on ecclesiastical and philosophical subjects.
As authors of special works on philosophy, we find Samuel Koteles, John Imre, Joseph Ruszek, Daniel Ercsei and Paul Sarvari; as a theologian and Hebraist John Somossy; as an historian and philologist Stephen Horvath, who endeavoured to trace the Magyar descent from the earliest historic times; as writers on jurisprudence Alexander Kovy and Paul Szlemenics.
Among the earlier publications of the academy were the Tudomdnytdr (Treasury of Sciences, 1834-1844), with its supplement Literatura; the KUlfoldi jdtPkszin (Foreign Theatres); the Magyar nyelv rendszere (System of the Hungarian language, 1846; 2nd ed., 1847); various dictionaries of scientific, mathematical, philosophical and legal terms; a Hungarian - German dictionary (1835-1838), and a Glossary of Provincialisms (1838).
A Magyar version, by Ferdinand Barna, of the Kalewala was published at Pest in 1871.
Far from adopting the levity of style too often observable in French romances, the Magyar novels, although enlivened by touches of humour, have generally rather a serious historical or political bearing.
Magyar history is indebted to Paul Jaszay for his careful working out of certain special periods, as, for instance, in his A Magyar nemzet napjai a legregibb idOtOl az arany bullaig (Days of the Hungarian nation from the earliest times to the date of the Golden Bull).
Among the many historians of Magyar literature Francis Toldy alias Schedel holds the foremost place.
This periodical, issued by the academy, has during the last decade (1870-1880) contained also comparative studies, by Arminius Vambery and Gabriel Balint, of the Magyar, TurkishTatar and Mongolian dialects.
In 1830 there were only 10 Magyar periodical publications; in 1880 we find 368; in 1885 their lit number rose to 494; in 1890 to 636; and at the beginning of 1895 no fewer than 806 periodical publica tions, written in the Hungarian language, appeared in Hungary.
Julius Reviczky (1855-1899) also inclined to the Occidental rather than to the specifically Magyar type of poets; his lyrics are highly finished, aristocratic and pessimistic (Pan halala, " The Death of Pan ").
Amongst rhymed novels-novels in verse formthe best is the Delibdbok h ise (" The Hero of Mirages "), in which Ladislas Arany tells, in brilliantly humorous and captivating fashion, the story of a young Magyar nobleman who, at first full of great ideals and aspirations, finally ends as a commonplace country squire.
To the school so perfectly represented by 3 This will appear even more striking by a consideration of the number of periodical publications published in Hungary in languages other than Magyar.
The third class of Magyar novelists comprises those cosmopolitan writers who take their method of work, their inspiration and even many of their subjects from foreign authors, chiefly French, German, Russian and also Norwegian.
A people with an intense national sentiment, such as the Hungarians, do not as a rule incline towards permanent admiration of foreign-born or imported literary styles; and accordingly the work of this class of novelists has frequently met with very severe criticism on the part of various Magyar critics.
Yet it can scarcely be denied that several of the " foreign " novelists have contributed a wholesome, if not quite Magyar, element of form or thought to literary narrative style in Hungary.
Probably the foremost among them is Sigismund Justh, who died prematurely in the midst of his painful attempt at reconciling French " realistic " modes of thought with what he conceived to be Magyar simplicity (A puszta konyve, " The Book of the Puszta," prairie of Hungary; A Peitz legenddja, " The Legend of Money "; Gdnyo Julcsa, " Juliet Ganyo "; Fuimus).
After the school of Comte, yet to a large extent original, is the Az ember es vildga (" Man and his World ") of Charles Bohm, who in 1881 started a philosophical review (Magyar Filozofiai Szemle), subsequently edited by Joseph Bokor, a vigorous thinker.
Baron Paul Rauch, the Magyar nominee as Ban, failed, with all his official apparatus, to secure a single seat for his creatures at the general election of 1908, and therefore proceeded to govern without Parliament, by an elaborate system of administrative pressure, press persecution and espionage.
Under his regime Magyar intolerance of Croat national aspirations joined hands with the designs of the Ballplatz against Serbia in connexion with the impending annexation of Bosnia.
Under Magyar pressure Seidler explicitly condemned all schemes of federalism, and pledged the Government and even the crown itself not to adopt any reforms which did not leave untouched the existing provincial boundaries.
This last attempt to win support for the Magyar solution was everywhere met with a blank refusal, and in Bosnia especially the Orthodox, Catholic and Moslem leaders united in a manifesto assuring him of their adherence to the full programme of Yugoslav unity.
As early as the 23rd a Croat regiment stationed in Fiume disarmed the Magyar militia and took possession of the town.
No orders were given for the evacuation of Slovakia; in Transylvania an impossible shaped line was drawn, such as left Cluj (Kolozsvar) and many pure Rumanian districts in Magyar hands; while the Rumanians were incensed by the assignment of Temesvar (Temisoara) and the whole Banat to Serbia.
The Treaty of Trianon satisfied the most essential claims of Yugoslavia, by dividing the whole Banat (save a small Magyar triangle opposite the city of Szeged) between her and Rumania, and by assigning to her the whole Backa (except Baja and district), part of the Baranya (forming the angle between Drave and Danube) and the Medjumurje (between Drava and Mur).
Meanwhile Pecs had become a centre of the exiled Magyar progressives, who preferred a provisional Yugoslav regime to the white terror of Adml.
Some too amongst the medieval authorities (Ibn Haugal and Istakhri) note a resemblance between the speech in use amongst the Khazars and the Bulgarians; and the modern Magyar - a Ugrian language - can be traced back to a tribe which in the 9th century formed part of the Khazar kingdom.
In Hungary it was applied to a class of mercenary foot-soldiers of Magyar stock.
He and Baron Sigismund Kemeny may be considered as the two founders of high-class Magyar journalism.
She then married Prince Louis of Taranto, and strong in the double support of the papal court at Avignon and of the Venetian republic (both of whom were opposed to Magyar aggrandisement in Italy) questioned the right of Louis to the two Sicilies, which he claimed as the next heir of his murdered brother.
Ban Jellacic, though loyal to the Emperor, had given expression to their aspirations towards unity as early as 1848; but Francis Joseph handed over the Croats and Serbs to Magyar domination (1867), and Dalmatia, the territory of the Austrian Croats, had been neglected by Vienna for years past; thus it was not till the years immediately preceding the war that it was rapidly developed by the construction of ports and railways and the encouragement of tourist traffic. The Slovenes, who inhabited Carinthia and Carniola, had less grounds for discontent, for the barren Karst had been afforested at the expense of the state; but though they were at the very gate of Serbia, they suffered from a shortage of meat, for Hungary obstructed the traffic in livestock in the interests of her great territorial magnates, and Austria bore the brunt of this.
His sensibility, social charm, liberal ideas (he was one of the earliest of the Magyar freemasons) and personal beauty, opened the doors of the best houses to him.
Meanwhile the reactionaries of Vienna were goading the Magyar Liberals into revolt, and Arany found a safety-valve for his growing indignation by composing a satirical poem in hexameters, entitled "The Lost Constitution."
Arany sent in his work, and shortly afterwards was awarded the 25-gulden prize (7th of February 1846) by the society, which then advertised another prize for the best Magyar epic poem.
He wrote many articles, however, in the gazette Nepbardtja, an organ of the Magyar government, and served in the field as a national guard for eight or ten weeks.
In November, the same year, he started Szepirodalmi Tigyelo, a monthly review better known by its later name, Koszeru, which did much for Magyar criticism and literature.
To say nothing of his other great qualities, he is certainly the most artistic of all the Magyar poets.
The wearing of the ancient costumes was forbidden by the ukaz of the 4th of January 1700; thenceforth Saxon or Magyar jackets and French or German hose were prescribed.
No other Magyar king, perhaps, was so mischievous to his country.
As ban, Jellachich's policy was directed to preserving the Slav kingdoms for the Habsburg monarchy by identifying himself with the nationalist opposition to Magyar ascendancy, while at the same time discouraging the extreme "Illyrism" advocated by Lodovik Gaj (1809-1872).
Barbara brought him a dower of ioo,000 gulden and the support of the Magyar magnates, but the match nearly brought about a breach with the emperor Maximilian, jealous already of the Jagiello influence in Hungary.
Under the last monarchs of the native Magyar dynasty Hermannstadt enjoyed exceptional privileges, and its commerce with the East rose to importance.
The imperial government, which still hoped for Magyar aid against the Viennese revolutionists, repudiated the action of the ban, accused him of disobedience and treason, and deprived him of his military rank.
The fate of the Habsburg empire depended upon the issue of the campaign in Italy, which would have been lost by the withdrawal of the Magyar and Croatian regiments; and the Hungarian government chose this critical moment to tamper with the relations of the army to the monarchy.
The imperial government, pressed by the Magyar nationalists to renounce Jellachich and all his works, equivocated and procrastinated, while within its councils the idea of a centralized state, to replace the loose federalism of the old empire, slowly took shape under the pressure of the military party.
At Custozza Magyar hussars, Croats from the Military Frontier, and Tirolese sharpshooters had fought side by side.
So early as the beginning of July, Austrian officers, with the permission of the minister of war, had joined the Serb insurgents who, under Stratemirovic, were defying the Magyar power in the banat.
The German democrats appealed for aid to the Hungarian government; but the Magyar passion for constitutional legality led to delay, and before the Hungarian advance could be made effective, it was too late.
The Magyar nation, - as well as the Czechs, had refused to recognize the of validity of the constitution of 1861 which had estab- dua lished a common parliament for the whole empire; monarc they demanded that the independence of the kingdom of Hungary should be restored.
An agreement was made by which the emperor was to be crowned at Pest and take the ancient oath to the Golden Bull; Hungary (including Transylvania and Croatia) was to have its own parliament and its own ministry; Magyar was to be the official language; the emperor was to rule as king; there was to be complete separation of the finances; not even a common nationality was recognized between the Hungarians and the other subjects of the emperor; a Hungarian was to be a foreigner in Vienna, an Austrian a foreigner in Budapest.
The Delegations were not to sit together; each was to meet separately; they were to communicate by writing, every document being accompanied by a translation in Magyar or German, as the case might be; only if after three times exchanging notes they failed to agree was there to be a common session; in that case there would be no discussion, and they were to vote in silence; a simple majority was sufficient.
But clear signs of the decay of the dualist and of the growth of an extreme nationalist Magyar spirit were already visible.
Demands tending towards the Magyarization of the joint army had been advanced and had found such an echo in Magyar public opinion that Count Andrassy was obliged solemnly to warn the country of the dangers of nationalist Chauvinism and to remind it of its obligations under the Compact of 1867.
At the end of 1902 the supernumeraries were discharged - too late to calm the ardour of the Opposition, which proceeded to demand that the Army bills should be entirely withdrawn or that, if adopted, they should be counterbalanced by concessions to Magyar nationalist feeling calculated to promote the use of the Magyar language in the Hungarian part of the army and to render the Hungarian regiments, few of which are purely Magyar, more and more Magyar in character.
Obstruction was continued by a section of the independence party; and Kossuth, seeing his authority ignored, resigned the leadership. The obstructionists now raised the cry that the German words of command i n the joint army must be replaced by Magyar words in the regiments recruited from Hungary - a demand which, apart from its disintegrating influence on the army, the crown considered to be an encroachment upon the royal military prerogatives as defined by the Hungarian Fundamental Law XII.
The cry for the Magyar words of command on which the subsequent constitutional crisis turned, was tantamount to a demand that the monarch should differentiate the Hungarian from the Austrian part of the joint army, and should render it impossible for any but Magyar officers to command Hungarian regiments, less than half of which have a majority of Magyar recruits.
The partisans of the Magyar words of command based their claim upon clause 12 of the Fundamental Law XII.
Since Hungary reserved her right to fix the conditions on which recruits should be granted, the partisans of the Magyar words of command argued that the abolition of the German words of command in the Hungarian regiments might be made such a condition, despite the enumeration in the preceding clause 11, of everything appertaining to the unitary leadership and inner organization of the joint Austro-Hungarian army as belonging to the constitutional military prerogatives of the crown.
Practically, the dispute was a trial of strength between Magyar nationalist feeling and the crown.
An interval of negotiation between the crown and many leading Magyar Liberals followed, until at the end of October 1903 Count Stephen Tisza, son of Koloman Tisza, accepted a mission to form a cabinet after all others had declined.
As programme Tisza brought with him a number of concessions from the crown to Magyar nationalist feeling in regard to military matters, particularly in regard to military badges, penal procedure, the transfer of officers of Hungarian origin from Austrian to Hungarian regiments, the establishment of military scholarships for Magyar youths and the introduction of the two years' service system.
Notwithstanding the concessions, obstruction was continued by the Clericals and the extreme Independents, partly in the hope of compelling the crown to grant the Magyar words of command and partly out of antipathy towards the person of the young calvinist premier.
The Coalition, though possessing the majority in the Chamber, resolved not to take office unless the crown should grant its demands, including the Magyar words of command and customs separation from Austria.
The miserable state of public finances and the depression of trade doubtless helped to induce them to perform a duty which they ought to have performed from the first; but their chief motive was the desire to escape the menace of universal suffrage or, at least, to make sure that it would be introduced in such a form as to safeguard Magyar supremacy over the other Hungarian races.
The burning question of the " Magyar word of command " remained unsettled, save in so far as the fixed determination of the king-emperor had settled it; the equally important question of the renewal of the charter of the Austro-Hungarian State Bank had also formed no part of the agreement of 1907.
Parliament had repeatedly expressed its disapproval of the Magyar demands upon the crown, but had succeeded only in demonstrating its own impotence.
The first are the descendants of the Magyar conquerors.
By the Hungarians, however, Goluchowski was hated; he was suspected of having inspired the emperor's opposition to the use of Magyar in the Hungarian army, and was made responsible for the slight offered to the Magyar deputation by Francis Joseph in September 1905.
The ideal of a prosperous, brilliant and attractive Magyar capital, which would keep the nobles and the intellectual flower of the country at home, uniting them in the service of the Fatherland, had received a powerful impetus from Count Stephan Szechenyi, the great Hungarian reformer of the pre-Revolutionary period.
From that time to the present day the record of the Hungarian capital has been one of uninterrupted advance, not merely in externals, such as the removal of slums, the reconstruction of the town, the development of communications, industry and trade, and the erection of important public buildings, but also in the mental, moral and physical elevation of the inhabitants; besides another important gain from the point of view of the Hungarian statesman, namely, the progressive increase and improvement of status of the Magyar element of the population.
When it is remembered that the ideal of both the authorities and the people is the ultimate monopoly of the home market by Hungarian industry and trade, and the strengthening of the Magyar influence by centralization, it is easy to understand the progress of Budapest.
Politically, this ambitious and progressive capital is the creation of the Magyar upper classes.
Again the Finnish languages spoken in various parts of Russia and more or less allied to Magyar must have spread gradually westwards from the Urals, and their development and diffusion seem to postulate a long period (for the history of the Finns shows that they were not mobile like the Turks and Mongols), so that the ancestral language from which spring Finnish and Magyar can hardly have been brought across Asia after the Christian era.
Thoroughly reactionary, and absolutely devoted to the Habsburgs, he contributed more than any one else to the curtailing of the privileges of the Magyar gentry in 1687, when he was created a prince of the Empire, with (in 1712) succession to the first-born of his house.
He at once proceeded to put fresh life into the despondent and irresolute Conservative party, and the Magyar aristocracy, by gallantly combating in the Vilag the opinions of Kossuth's paper, the Pesti Hirlap. But the multiplicity of his labours was too much for his feeble physique, and he died on the 9th of February 1842, at the very time when his talents seemed most indispensable.
Possibly the information there given was derived from southern Hungary or Transylvania where remains of the Gepidae were to be found shortly before the Magyar invasion (889).
The war of 1859 convinced the Austrian government, at last, of the necessity of a reconciliation with Hungary; but the ensuing negotiations were conducted not through Deak, but through the Magyar Conservatives.
The Magyar Conservatives hereupon entered into negotiations with Deak, and the Austrian government, more than ever convinced of the necessity of a reconciliation, was ready to take the first step, if Hungary would take the second and third.
On the 18th of July he went to Vienna, to urge the necessity of forming a responsible Magyar ministry without delay.
In central Moldavia there is a large population of Magyar descent, and the Servian and Bulgarian elements are strong near the Danube.
The name Weissenburg occurs in three other places; the town of Weissenburg-am-Sand in Bavaria; a Swiss invalid resort in the Niedersimmental, above Lake Thun, with sulphate of lime springs, beneficial for bronchial affections; also a Hungarian comitat (Magyar Fejervar), with Stuhlweissenburg as capital.
Szalay also wrote remarkable studies on Pitt, Fox, Mirabeau and other statesmen, and contributed very considerably to the codification of Magyar law.
At the Diet of 1825, when the motion for founding a Hungarian academy was made by PM Nagy, who bitterly reproached the Magyar nobles for so long neglecting their mother-tongue, Szechenyi offered to contribute a whole year's income (60,000 florins) towards it.
He held the portfolio of ways and communications in the first responsible Magyar administration (March 23, 1848) under Batthyany, but his increasing apprehension of a revolution, with its inevitable corollaries of civil war and a rupture with the dynasty, finally affected his mind, and on the 5th of September he was removed to an asylum.
He was also the only Magyar prelate who seriously aspired to the papal throne.
Despite Magyar protests the misleading name "Croatia" was popularly and even in official documents applied to the whole country, including the purely Slavonian provinces of Virovitica, Poega and Syrmia.
It was opposed by Austria as tending to create a new and formidable Slavonic nation within the Dual Monarchy, and by Hungary as a menace to Magyar predominance in Transleithania.
Thus Hungary is separated from Austria by the rivers March and Leitha; the river Enns, for a considerable period the extreme western boundary of the Magyar kingdom, still separates Upper and Lower Austria; the Inn and the Salzach divide Austria from Bavaria, and farther west the Iller separates Bavaria from Wurttemberg.
Although an orthodox Serb, he was from the first a devoted adherent of the Magyar liberals.
At the beginning of 1849 he was appointed commander of the 3rd army corps in the middle Theiss, and quickly gained the reputation of being the bravest man in the Magyar army, winning engagement after engagement by sheer dash and daring.
In 1877 he resigned on the discussion of the question of the Composition (Ausgleich), but he returned to office on his own terms, The same thing happened the following year, when his brief resignation compelled the Magyar Diet to agree to the occupation of Bosnia.
His Magyar agrdrpolitik (Budapest, 1897), authoritative on its subject, was translated into German the same year (Leipzig).
At the diet which met in February 1445 a provisional government, consisting of five Magyar captain-generals, was formed, Hunyadi receiving Transylvania and the ultra-Theissian counties as his district; but the resulting anarchy became unendurable, and on the 5th of June 1446 Hunyadi was unanimously elected governor of Hungary in the name of Ladislaus V., with regal powers.
To the eternal shame of the Magyar nobles, he was left entirely to his own resources.
Shortly afterwards, perceiving that the Turkish cause was now lost, he sought the mediation of Sobieski to reconcile him with the emperor, offering to lay down his arms if Leopold would confirm the religious rights of the Magyar Protestants and grant him, ThOkiily, the thirteen north-eastern counties of Hungary with the title of prince.
The recognition of the separate status of Hungary, and the restoration of the Magyar constitution in 1866, necessarily made some change in his position, and so far as concerns Hungary he fully accepted the doctrine that ministers are responsible to parliament.
This expedient, indeed, probably also conveyed a veiled threat to the Magyar chauvinists, who, discontented with the restrictions placed upon Hungarian independence under the Compromise, were agitating for the complete separation of Austria and Hungary under a personal union only; for universal suffrage in Hungary would mean the subordination of the Magyar minority to the hitherto subject races.
For nearly forty years after the acceptance of the Compromise the attitude of the emperor-king towards the Magyar constitution had been scrupulously correct.
A Hungarian deputation which came to Vienna in September 1905 to urge the Magyar claims was received ungraciously by the emperor, who did not offer his hand to the members,addressed them in German, and referred them brusquely to the chancellor, Count Goluchowski.
The small Magyar horse, once famous for its swiftness and endurance, was improved during the Turkish wars, so far as height and beauty were concerned, by being crossed with Arabs; but it degenerated after the 17th century as the result of injudicious crossbreeding.
But the number of state-aided elementary schools is continually increasing, as the spread of the Magyar language to the other races through the medium of the elementary schools is one of the principal concerns of the Hungarian government, and is vigorously pursued.'
Although he broke off the Magyar tribal system, encouraged the private ownership of land, and even made grants of land on condition of military service - in order to secure an armed force independent of the national levy - he based his new principle of government, not on feudalism, but on the organization of the Frankish empire, which he adapted to suit the peculiar exigencies of his realm.
The body politic consisted, after as before, of the king and the whole mass of Magyar freemen or nobles, descendants of Arpad's warriors, theoretically all equal in spite of growing inequalities of wealth and power, who constituted the populus; privileges were granted by the king to foreign immigrants in the cities, and the rights of nobility were granted to non-Magyars for special services; but, in general, the non-Magyars were ruled by the royal governors as subject races, forming - in contradistinction to the " nobles "- the mass of the peasants, the misera con/ribuens plebs upon whom until 1848 nearly the whole burden of taxation fell.
Again, his inaction during those memorable twelve years (1401-1413) when the Turkish empire, after the collapse at Angora (1402), seemed about to be swallowed up by " the great wolf " Tamerlane, was due entirely to the malice of the Holy See, which, enraged at his endeavours to maintain the independence of the Magyar church against papal aggression (the diet of 1404, on Sigismund's initiative, had declared bulls bestowing Magyar benefices on foreigners, without the royal consent, pernicious and illegal), saddled him with a fresh rebellion and two wars with Venice, resulting ultimately in the total loss of Dalmatia (c. 1430).
The bulk of the Magyar nobility was still semi-barbaric. Immensely wealthy (it is estimated that most of the land, at this time, was in the hands of 25 great families, the Zapolyas alone holding an eighth of it), it was a point of honour with them to appear in public in costly raiment ablaze with silver, gold and precious stones, followed at every step by armies of retainers scarcely less gorgeous.
So highly developed indeed were the Magyar methods of smelting, that Louis XI.
As king of Hungary he was, from first to last, the puppet of the Magyar oligarchs, who proceeded to abolish all the royal prerogatives and safeguards which had galled them under Matthias.
The whole atmosphere of society was one of rapine and corruption, and only on the frontier a few self-sacrificing patriots like the ban-bishop, Peter Biriszlo, the last of Matthias's veterans, and his successor the saintly Pal Tomori, archbishop of Kalocsa, showed, in their ceaseless war against the predatory Turkish bands, that the ancient Magyar valour was not yet wholly extinct.
To the repressive measures of the government - press censorship, curtailment of the right of public meeting, dismissal of recalcitrant officials, and dragooning of disaffected county assemblies and municipalities - the Magyar nation opposed a sturdy refusal to pay taxes, to supply recruits or to carry on the machinery of administration.
But the Coalition represented, in fact, not the mass of the people, but only a small dominant minority,' and for years past this minority had neglected the social and economic needs of the mass of the people in the eager pursuit of party advantage and the effort to impose, by coercion and corruption failing other means, the Magyar language and Magyar culture on the non-Magyar races.
Of his prose works the most important is the Magyar Szdzadok or " Pragmatic History of Hungary " (Buda, 1808 and 1816).
As compilers and authors of works in various scientific branches allied to history, may be particularly mentioned-in statistics and geography, Alexius Fenyes, Emeric Palugyay, Alexander Konek, John Hunfalvy, Charles Galgoczy, Charles Keleti, Leo Beothy, Joseph Korosi, Charles Ballagi and Paul Kiraly, and, as regards Transylvania, Ladislaus Kovary; in travel, Arminius Vambery, Ignatius Goldziher, Ladislaus Magyar, John Xantus, John Jerney, Count Andrassy, Ladislaus Podmaniczky, Paul Hunfalvy; in astronomy, Nicholas Konkoly; in archaeology, Bishop Arnold Ipolyi, Florian Romer, Emeric Henszlmann, John Erdy, Baron Albert Nyary, Francis Pulszky and Francis Kiss; in Hungarian mythology, Bishop Ipolyi, Anthony Csengery,' and Arpad Kerekgyarto; in numismatics, John Erdy and Jacob Rupp; and in jurisprudence, Augustus Karvassy, Theodore Pauler, Gustavus Wenczel, Emeric Csacsk6, John Fogarasi and Ignatius Frank.
The alienation of Croat and Magyar - for centuries close allies in the struggle against the Turk - grew rapidly in the 'forties, mainly owing to the aggressive legislation passed by successive Hungarian diets, and tending to curtail Croatia's ancient liberties and extend the sway of the Magyar language.
Shortly afterwards Magyar resentment of an army order issued from the cavalry manoeuvres at Chlopy in Galicia - in which the monarch declared that he would " hold fast to the existing and well-tried organization of the army " and would never " relinquish the rights and privileges guaranteed to its highest war-lord "; and of a provocative utterance of the Austrian premier Korber in the Reichsrath led to the overthrow of the Khuen-Hedervary cabinet (September 30) by an immense majority.
The scheme alarmed the Coalition, which saw that universal suffrage might destroy not only the hegemony of the Magyar nobility and gentry in whose hands political power was concentrated, but might, by admitting the non-Magyars to political equality with the Magyars, undermine the supremacy of the Magyar race itself.
Indeed, a readiness to assimilate foreign elements is characteristic of Magyar patriotism, which has, particularly within the last generation, made numerous converts among the other nationalities of Hungary, and - for national purposes - may be considered to have quite absorbed the Hungarian Jews.
Barak wrote Ra sipirea Ierusalimului (1821), " The Destruction of Jerusalem," almost as long as Aarori's Passion; and he versified a Magyar folktale, Arghir si Elena, which has also become a chapbook, and has been interpreted as a political poem with a hidden meaning.
The square was laid out in 1896 to mark the thousandth anniversary of the Magyar conquest.