Podebrad treated Matthias hospitably and affianced him with his daughter Catherine, but still detained him, for safety's sake, in Prague, even after a Magyar deputation had hastened thither to offer the youth the crown.
Having come to an understanding with his father-in-law Podébrad, he was able to turn his arms against the emperor Frederick, and in April 1462 Frederick restored the holy crown for 60,000 ducats and was allowed to retain certain Hungarian counties with the title of king; in return for which concessions, extorted from Matthias by the necessity of coping with a simultaneous rebellion of the Magyar noble in league with Podebrad's son Victorinus, the emperor recognized Matthias as the actual sovereign of Hungary.
The endless tergiversations and depredations of the emperor speedily induced Matthias to declare war against him for the third time (1481), the Magyar king conquering all the fortresses in Frederick's hereditary domains.
Thus, in 1480, when a Turkish fleet seized Otranto, Matthias, at the earnest solicitation of the pope, sent Balasz Magyar to recover the fortress, which surrendered to him on the 10th of May 1481.
A fourth humiliating episode in this period was the invasion of the Magyar barbarians, who overran the north of Italy, and reduced its fairest provinces to the condition of a wilderness.
Here he came into contact with the Magyar refugees, who had great hopes of the high-born, high-gifted youth who was also a fellow sufferer, a large portion of his immense estates having been confiscated by the emperor.
On the other hand Boleslaus's ally, the fugitive Magyar prince Bela, succeeded with Polish assistance in winning the crown of Hungary.
The rebellion spread like lightning, principally in the central or purely Magyar provinces, where hundreds of manor-houses and castles were burnt and thousands of the gentry done to death by impalement, crucifixion and other unspeakable methods.
He had already, in 1859, as the result of a visit to Budapest, made certain modifications in the Bach system by way of concession to Magyar sentiment, and in 1861 he had had an interview with Dek, during which, though unconvinced by that statesmans arguments, he had at least assured himself of his loyalty.
A law was passed by the Hungarian diet regularizing the libdication of Ferdinand; at the beginning of June Francis Joseph signed the inaugural diploma and took the oath in Magyar to observe the constitution; on the 8th he was solemnly crowned king of Hungary.
The agitation for the completely separate organization of the Hungarian army, and for the substitution of Magyar for German in words of command in Hungarian regiments, broke down the patience of the emperor, tenacious of his pr.~rogative as supreme war lord of the common aIlny.
This prospect, however, was dissipated by the invasions of the Magyar hordes in the 10th century, the brunt of which was borne by Moravia.
But as the immigrants were of very different foreign nationalities, the country became a collection of heterogeneous ethnical elements, amid which the ruling Magyar race formed only a minority.
2 Of political importance also is the steady immigration of Magyar peasants and workmen into Croatia-Slavonia, where they become rapidly absorbed into the Croat population.
Classifying the population according to the mother-tongue of each individual, there were, in the civil population of Hungary proper, including Fiume: The censuses show a decided tendency of change in favour of the dominating nationality, the Magyar, which reached an absolute majority in the decade 1890-1900.
Thus in 1900 out of a total civil population of 8,132,740, whose mother-tongue is not Magyar, 1,365,764 could speak Magyar.
The Germans are most numerous in the towns, and tend to become absorbed in the Magyar population.
The ancient constitution, often suspended and modified, based upon this charter, was reformed under the influence of Western Liberalism in 1848, the supremacy of the Magyar race, however, being secured by a somewhat narrow franchise.
The official language is Magyar, but the delegates of CroatiaSlavonia may use their own language.
In about 61% of these schools the language used was exclusively Magyar, in about 6 20% it was mixed, and in the remainder some non-Magyar language was used.
A summary of them is annually published under the title Magyar statisztikai Evkonyo (Statistical Year-Book of Hungary).
History When Arpad, the semi-mythical founder of the Magyar monarchy, at the end of A.D.
This was the period of those devastating raids which made the savage Magyar horsemen the scourge and the terror of Europe.
recognized Magyar nationality by endowing the young Magyar prince with a kingly crown.
Every monastery erected in the Magyar wildernesses was not only a centre of religion, but a focus of civilization.
But conversion, after all, was the chief aim of these devoted missionaries, and when some Venetian priests had invented a Latin alphabet for the Magyar language a great step had been taken towards its accomplishment.
His authority, was absolute p 3'> too, > being tempered only by the shadowy right of the Magyar nation to meet in general assembly; and this authority he was careful not to compromise by any slavish imitation of that feudal polity by which in the West the royal power was becoming obscured.
Although he broke off the Magyar tribal system, encouraged the private ownership of land, and even made grants of land on condition of military service... he based his new principle of government, not on feudalism, but on the organization of the Frankish empire, which he adapted.
The right, not often exercised, of the Magyar nobles to meet in general assembly and the elective character of the crown Stephen also did not venture to touch.
The Magyar clergy was still a married clergy, and their connubial privileges were solemnly confirmed by the synod of Szabolcs, presided over by the king, in 1092.
As the grandson of St Ladislaus, Manuel had Hungarian blood in his veins; his court was the ready and constant refuge of the numerous Magyar malcontents, and he aimed not so much at the conquest as at the suzerainty of Hungary, by placing one of his Magyar kinsmen on the throne of St Stephen.
He successfully supported the claims of no fewer than three pretenders to the Magyar throne, and finally made Bela III.
At one time, indeed, a Magyar archbishop and four or five bishops openly joined the Orthodox communion and willingly crowned Manuel's nominees despite the anathemas of their Catholic brethren.
Unfortunately the fruits of his diligence and foresight were dissipated by the follies of his two immediate successors, Emerich (1196-1204) and Andrew II., who weakened the Ar royal power in attempting to win support by lavish grants of the crown domains on the already over-influential magnates, a policy from which dates the supremacy of the semi-savage Magyar oligarchs, that insolent and self-seeking class which would obey no superior and trampled ruthlessly on every inferior.
The Golden Bull has been described as consecrating the humiliation of the crown by the great barons, whose usurpations it legalized; the more usually accepted view, however, is that it was directed not so much to weakening as to strengthening the crown by uniting its interests with those of the mass of the Magyar nobility, equally threatened by the encroachments of the great barons.
During the four hundred years of the Arpad dominion the nomadic Magyar race had established itself permanently in central Europe, adopted western Christianity and founded a national monarchy on the western model.
They brought from their native Italy a thorough knowledge of the science of government as the middle ages understood it, and the decimation of the Hungarian magnates during the civil wars enabled them to re-create the noble hierarchy on a feudal basis, in which full allowance was made for Magyar idiosyncracies.
In Bosnia the persistent attempts of the Magyar princes to root out the stubborn, crazy and poisonous sect of the Bogomils had alienated the originally amicable Bosnians, and in 1353 Louis was compelled to buy the friendship of their Bar Tvrtko by acknowledging him as king of Bosnia.
It argued no ordinary foresight thus to recognize that Hungary's strategy in her contest with the Turks must be strictly defensive, and the wisdom of Sigismund was justified by the disasters which almost invariably overcame the later Magyar kings whenever they ventured upon aggressive warfare with the sultans.
This was largely due to his friendly intimacy with the majority of the Magyar notables, from among whom he chose his chief counsellors.
In Sigismund's reign the feudal system, for the first time, became deeply rooted in Magyar soil, and it is a lamentable fact that in 15th-century Hungary it is to be seen at its very worst, especially in those wild tracts, and they were many, in which the king's writ could hardly be said to run.
The suffering Magyar multitudes eagerly responded to these seductive teachings, and the result was a series of dangerous popular risings (the worst in 1433 and 1436) in which heresy and communism were inextricably intermingled.
Between 1362 and 1450 no fewer than 4151 Magyar students frequented the university of Vienna, nearly as many went by preference to Prague, and this, too, despite the fact that there were now two universities in Hungary itself, the old foundation of Louis the Great at Pecs, and a new one established at Buda by Sigismund.
Wladislaus accepted the proffered throne from the Magyar delegates at Cracow on the 8th of March 1440; but in the meantime (Feb.
io) the young monarch and the flower of the Magyar chivalry were overwhelmed by fourfold odds on Turkish soil.
It enabled the king to curb the lawlessness of the Magyar nobility, and explains why none of the numerous rebellions against him ever succeeded.
But the moral tone of the Magyar church at this period was very low.
The virtual suppression of Wladislaus was completed at the diet of 1492, when " King All Right " consented to live on the receipts of the treasury, which were barely sufficient to maintain his court, and engaged never to impose any new taxes on his Magyar subjects.
The same diet which destroyed the national armaments and depleted the exchequer confirmed the disgraceful peace of Pressburg, concluded between Wladislaus and the emperor Maximilian on the 7th of November 1491, whereby Hungary retroceded all the Austrian conquests of Matthias, together with a long strip of Magyar territory, and paid a war indemnity equivalent to £200,000.
By the end of October the last Turkish regular had quitted Magyar soil, and, to use the words of a contemporary observer, one quarter of Hungary was as utterly destroyed as if a flood had passed over it.
During the reign of Ferdinand, whose consort, Anne, was a Hungarian princess, things were at least tolerable; but under Maximilian (1564-1576) and Rudolph (1576-1612)1612) the antagonism of the Habsburgs towards their Magyar subjects was only too apparent.
The Magyar nobles were now systematically spoliated on trumped-up charges of treason; 1 In contradistinction to Turkish Hungary and Transylvanian Hungary.
" Where are the old Magyar saints?
grand vizier in Walachia in 1595, when the Magyar army penetrated as far as Giurgevo), but very bitter as between the emperor and Transylvania, the principality being finally subdued by the imperial general, George Basta, in August 1604.
(1657-1705), who left the government of the country to two bigoted Magyar prelates, GyOrgy Szelepesenyi (1595-1685) and Lip&t (Leopold) Kollonich (1631-1707), whose domination represents the high-water mark of the antinational regimen.
tions, and for a time the legal government of Hungary was superseded (Patent of March 3, 1673) by a committee of eight persons, four Magyars and four Germans, presided over by a German governor; but the most influential person in this committee was Bishop Kollonich, of whom it was said that, while Pazmany hated the heretic in the Magyar, Kollonich hated the Magyar in the heretic. A gigantic process against leading Protestant ministers for alleged conspiracy was the first act of this committee.
So long as the Magyar people had any life left, it was bound to fight in self-defence, it was bound to produce " malcontents " resistance.
Between 1678 and 1682 Tokoli waged three wars with Leopold, and, in September 1682, was acknowledged both by the emperor and the sultan as prince of North Hungary as far as the river Garam, to the great relief of the Magyar Protestants.
The peace of Karlowitz marks the term of the Magyar's secular struggle with Mahommedanism and finally reunited her long-separated provinces beneath a common sceptre.
The ruthless suppression of the Magyar malcontents, in which there was little discrimination between the innocent and the guilty, had so crushed the spirit of the country that Leopold considered the time ripe for realizing a long-cherished ideal of the Habsburgs and changing Hungary from an elective into an hereditary monarchy.
Moreover, a neo-acquisita commissio was constituted to inquire into the title-deeds of the Magyar landowners in the old Turkish provinces, and hundreds of estates were transferred, on the flimsiest of pretexts, to naturalized foreigners.
She also attracted the gentry to her capital by forming a Magyar body-guard from the cadets of noble families.
Refusing to be crowned, or even to take the usual oaths of observance, he simply announced his accession to the Hungarian counties, and then deliberately proceeded to break down all the ancient Magyar institutions.
Latin was still to be the official language, but Magyar was now introduced into the university and all the schools.
For the next quarter of a century he, as the champion of legitimacy,was fighting the Revolution on countless battle-fields, and the fearful struggle only bound the Magyar nation closer to the Habsburg dynasty.
Two progressive measures of the highest importance were passed by this diet, one making Magyar the official language of Hungary, the other freeing the peasants' holdings from all feudal obligations.
Magyar was now declared to be the language of the schools and the law-courts as well as of the legislature; mixed marriages were legalized; and official positions were thrown open to non-nobles.
Croats, Vlachs, Serbs and Slovaks resented Magyar domination - a domination which had been carefully secured under the revolutionary constitution by a very narrow franchise, and out of the general chaos each race hoped to create for itself a separate national existence.
All hope of crushing revolutionary Vienna with Magyar aid was thus at an end, and Jellachich, who on the 10th issued a proclamation to the Croat regiments in Italy to remain with their colours and fight for the common fatherland, was free to carry out his policy of identifying the cause of the southern Sla y s with that of the imperial army.
The advance of Jellachich as far as Lake Balaton had not been checked, the Magyar troops, though - contrary to his expectation - none joined him, offering no opposition.
One more attempt at compromise was made, General Count Lamberg l being sent to take command of all the troops, Slav or Magyar, in Hungary, with a view to arranging an armistice.
The fortunes of the German revolutionaries in Vienna and the Magyar revolutionists in Pest were now closely bound up together; and when, on the 11th, Prince Windischgratz laid siege to Vienna, it was to Hungary that the democrats of the capital looked for relief.
On the 7th the Hungarian diet formally refused to acknowledge the title of the new king, " as without the knowledge and consent of the diet no one could sit on the Hungarian throne," and called the nation to arms. Constitutionally, in the Magyar opinion, Ferdinand was still king of Hungary, and this gave to the revolt an excuse of legality.
The counties were administered by imperial officials, Germans, Czechs and Galicians, who did not understand the Magyar tongue.
The Magyar nation stood aloof from it.
3 This project was favoured by the Magyar conservative magnates who had never broken with the court, but was steadily opposed by the Liberal leader Ferencz Deal(whose upright and tenacious character made him at this crisis the oracle and the buttress of the national cause.
Fortunately, in Kalman Tisza, the leader of the Liberal From the first, Tisza was exposed to the violent attacks of the opposition, which embraced, not only the party of Independence, champions of the principles of 1848, but the so-called National party, led by the brilliant orator Count Albert Apponyi, which aimed at much the same ends but looked upon the Compromise of 1867 as a convenient substructure on which to build up the Magyar state.
Yet Tisza's aim also was to convert the old polyglot Hungarian kingdom into a homogeneous Magyar state, and the methods which he employed - notably the enforced magyarization of the subject races, which formed part of the reformed educational system introduced by him - certainly did not err on the side of moderation.
1902) once more brought up the question of the common army, the parliament refusing to pass the bill, except in return for the introduction of the Hungarian national flag into the Hungarian regiments and the substitution of Magyar for German in the words of command.
The opposition thereupon proceeded to annul the Lex Daniel (April 7) and stubbornly to clamour for the adoption of the Magyar word of command in the Hungarian part of the common army.
They also laid stress on the fact that Magyar was not, any more than German, the language of many Hungarian regiments, consisting as these did mainly of Slovaks, Vlachs, Serbs and Croats.
In resisting the Magyar word of command, then, the king-emperor was able to appeal to the antiMagyar feeling of the other Hungarian races.
Universal suffrage had already been adopted in the Cis-leithan half of the monarchy; it was an obvious policy to propose it for Hungary also, and thus, by an appeal to the non-Magyar Kristoffy's majority, to reduce the irreconcilable Magyar minority Universal to reason.
Other proposals were: the maintenance of the system of the joint army as established in 1867, but with the concession that all Hungarian recruits were to receive their education in Magyar; the maintenance till 1917 of the actual customs convention with Austria; a reform of the land laws, with a view to assisting the poorer proprietors; complete religious equality; universal and compulsory primary education.
The Andrassy's old abuses continued: the muzzling of the press in the universal interests of Magyar nationalism, the imprisonment Suffrage of non-Magyar deputies for " incitement against Bill.
Magyar nationality," the persecution of Socialists and of the subordinate races.
The dominant Magyar parties were committed to the principle of franchise reform; but they were determined that this reform should be of such a nature as not to imperil their own hegemony.
"b Four days later, in answer to a question by the same deputy, Count Andrassy said that the Franchise Bill would be introduced shortly, but that it would be of such a nature that "the Magyar State idea would remain intact and suffer no diminution."
' Of the 16,000,000 inhabitants of Hungary barely a half were Magyar; and the franchise was possessed by only 800,000, of whom the Magyars formed the overwhelming majority.
to preserve " the Magyar State idea intact."
Its result, had it passed, would have been to strengthen the representation of the Magyar and German elements, to reduce that of the Slovaks, and almost to destroy that of the Rumans and other non-Magyar races whose educational status was low.
It was not, indeed, simply a reactionary or undemocratic measure; it was, as The Times correspondent pointed out, " a measure sui generis, designed to defeat the objects of the universal suffrage movement that compelled the Coalition to take office in April 1906, and framed in accordance with Magyar needs as understood by one of the foremost Magyar noblemen."
Under this bill culture was to be the gate to a share in political power, and in Hungary culture must necessarily be Magyar.
The conference at Vienna revealed the irreconcilable difference within the ministry; but it revealed also something more - the determination of the emperor Francis Joseph, if pressed beyond the limits of his patience, to appeal again to the non-Magyar Hungarians against the Magyar chauvinists.
Its object was to resist the anti-clerical tendencies of the Liberals, and for this purpose it appealed to the " nationalities " against the dominant Magyar parties, the due enforcement of the Law of Equal Rights of Nationalities (1868) forming a main item of its programme.
prolongation of the charter of the joint bank, and certain concessions to Magyar demands in the matter of the army.
A majority was thus secured for the Kossuthist programme of compromise, but a majority so obviously precarious that the king-emperor, influenced also - it was rumoured - by the views of the heirapparent, in an interview with Count Andrassy and Mr Kossuth on the 15th, refused to make any concessions to the Magyar national demands.
The two main items in the published programme of the new government were the introduction of universal suffrage and - even more revolutionary from the Magyar point of view - the substitution of state-appointed for elected officials in the counties.
It is easy to denounce the dominant Magyar classes as a selfish oligarchy, and to criticize the methods by which they have sought to maintain their power.
by Farkas Deal(and others (Pest, 1878-1891); Monumenta Vaticana historiam regni Hungariae illustrantia (8 vols., Budapest, 1885-1891), a valuable collection of materials from the Vatican archives, edited under the auspices of the Hungarian bishops; Principal Sources for the Magyar Conquest (Mag.), by Gyula Pauler and Sandor Szilagyi (ib.
Of modern histories written in Magyar the most imposing is the History of the Hungarian Nation (to vols., Budapest, 1898), issued to commemorate the celebration of the millennium of the foundation of the monarchy, by Sandor Szilagyi and numerous collaborators.
Of importance, too, is Ignacz Acsady's History of the Magyar Empire (2 vols., Budapest, 1904), though its author is too often ultra-chauvinistic in tone.
To those who do not read Magyar the following books on the general history of Hungary may be recommended: Armin Vambery, Hungary in Ancient and Modern Times (London, 1897); R.
Knatchbull-Hugessen, The Political Evolution of the Hungarian Nation (2 vols., London, 1908), strongly Magyar in sympathy; R.
Seton-Watson (Scotus Viator), Racial Problems in Hungary (London, 1908), a strong criticism of the Magyar attitude towards the Slav subject races, especially the Slovaks, with documents and a full bibliography.
(d) Biographical: In Magyar, the great serial entitled Hungarian Historical Biographies (Budapest, 1884, &c.), edited by Sandor Szilagyi, is a collection of lives of famous Hungarian men and women from the earliest times by many scholars of note, finely illustrated.
Language The Magyar or Hungarian language belongs to the northern or Finno-Ugric (q.v.) division of the Ural-Altaic family, and forms, along with Ostiak and Vogul, the Ugric branch of that division.
Although for nearly a thousand years established in Europe and subjected to Aryan influences, the Magyar has yet retained its essential Ural-Altaic or Turanian features.
Logical in its derivatives and in its grammatical structure, the Magyar language is, moreover, copious in idiomatic expressions, rich in its store of words, and almost musical in its harmonious intonation.
Others are the posthumous treatises of Nicholas Revai (Pest, 1809); the Magyar nyelvmester of Samuel Gyarmathi, published at Klausenburg in 1 794; and grammars by J.
The next best native dictionary is that of Maurice Ballagi, A Magyar nyelv teljes szotdra, (Pest, 1868-1873).
7 So also Jambor (A Magyar Irod.
As there are no traces of literary productions in the native or Magyar dialect before the 12th century, the early condition of the language is concealed from the philologist.
Among the literary relics of the 12th century are the Latiatuc " or Halotti Beszed funeral discourse and prayer in Hungarian, to which Dobrentei in his Regi Magyar Nyelvemlekek assigns as a probable date the year 1171 (others, however, 1182 or 1183).
Under the kings of the house of Anjou, the Magyar became the language of the court.
But not until the dawn of the Reformation did Magyar begin in any sense to replace Latin for literary purposes.
The period placed by Hungarian authors between 1 437 and 1530 marks the first development of Magyar literature.
To these monks the first extant Magyar version of part of the Scriptures (the Vienna or Revai Codex') is directly assigned by Dobrentei, but the exact date either of this copy or of the original translation cannot be ascertained.
Amongst other important codices are the Jorddnszky Codex (1516-1519), an incomplete copy of the translation of the Bible made by Ladislaus Batori, who died about 1456; and the Dobrentei or Gyulafehervdr Codex (1508), containing a version of the Psalter, Song of Solomon, and the liturgical epistles and gospels, copied by Bartholomew Halabori from an earlier translation (KSrnyei, A Magyar nemzeti irodalomtortenet vdzlata, 1861, p. 30).
During the latter part of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th two poets of a higher order appeared in Valentine Balassa, the earliest Magyar lyrical writer, and his contemporary John Rimay, whose poems are of a contemplative and pleasing character.
Parispapai compiled an Hungarian-Latin Dictionary, Dictionarium magyar es dedk nyelven (Locse, 1708), and Apaczai-Csere, a Magyar Encyclopaedia (Utrecht, 1653).
From the appearance of the first extant printed Magyar First made known by Coloman Thaly (1871) from a discovery by MM.
Among the few prose writers of distinction were Andrew Spangar, whose " Hungarian Bookstore," Magyar Konyvtdr (Kassa, 1738), is said to be the earliest work of the kind in the Magyar dialect; George Baranyi, who translated the New Testament (Lauba, 1 754); the historians Michael Cserei and Matthew Bel, which last, however, wrote chiefly in Latin; and Peter Bod, who besides his theological treatises compiled a history of Hungarian literature under the title Magyar Athends (Szeben, 1766).
On account of the classic purity of his style in prose, Faludi was known as the " Magyar Cicero."
Istvdn elso magyar kirdlynak elete (Vienna, 1751).
As a philologist Baroti was far surpassed by Nicholas Revai, but as a poet he may be considered superior to Rajnis, translator of Virgil's Bucolics and Georgics, and author of the Magyar Helikonra vezeto kalauz (Guide to the Magyar Helicon, 1781).
The " classical " school reached its highest state of culture under Virag, whose poetical works, consisting chiefly of Horatian odes and epistles, on account of the perfection of their style, obtained for him the name of the " Magyar Horace."
Valyi-Nagy, the first Magyar 1 The earliest, styled " Song on the Discovery of the right hand of the Holy King Stephen," and printed at Nuremberg by Anton Koburger in 1484, is lost.
Szabo's Regi Magyar Konyvtdr (Budapest, 1879).
The most valuable of his productions is his collection of " Hungarian Proverbs and Famous Sayings," which appeared in 1820 at Szeged, under the title of Magyar peldabeszedek es jeles monddsok.
As writers of didactic poetry may be mentioned John Endrody, Caspar Gobol, Joseph Takacs and Barbara Molnar, the earliest distinguished Magyar poetess.
Of a more general character, and combining the merits of the above schools, are the works of the authors who constituted the socalled "Debreczen Class," which boasts the names of the naturalist and philologist John Foldi, compiler of a considerable part of the Debreczeni magyar grammatica; Michael Fazekas, author of Ludas Matyi (Vienna, 1817), an epic poem, in 4 cantos; and Joseph Kovacs.
Journalistic literature in the native language begins with the Magyar Hirmondo (Harbinger) started by Matthias Rath at Pozsony in 1780.
Among the magazines the most important was the Magyar Muzeum, established at Kassa (Kaschau) in 1788 by Baroti, Kazinczy and Bacsanyi.
The lyric poems of Kolcsey can hardly be surpassed, whilst his orations, and markedly the Emlek beszed Kazinczy felett (Commemorative Speech on Kazinczy), exhibit not only his own powers, but the singular excellence of the Magyar language as an oratorical medium.
Izidore Guzmics, the translator of Theocritus into Magyar hexameters, is chiefly noted for his prose writings on ecclesiastical and philosophical subjects.
As authors of special works on philosophy, we find Samuel Koteles, John Imre, Joseph Ruszek, Daniel Ercsei and Paul Sarvari; as a theologian and Hebraist John Somossy; as an historian and philologist Stephen Horvath, who endeavoured to trace the Magyar descent from the earliest historic times; as writers on jurisprudence Alexander Kovy and Paul Szlemenics.
Among the earlier publications of the academy were the Tudomdnytdr (Treasury of Sciences, 1834-1844), with its supplement Literatura; the KUlfoldi jdtPkszin (Foreign Theatres); the Magyar nyelv rendszere (System of the Hungarian language, 1846; 2nd ed., 1847); various dictionaries of scientific, mathematical, philosophical and legal terms; a Hungarian - German dictionary (1835-1838), and a Glossary of Provincialisms (1838).
A Magyar version, by Ferdinand Barna, of the Kalewala was published at Pest in 1871.
We may here note that for foreigners unacquainted with Hungarian there are, besides several special versions of Petofi and of Arany, numerous anthologies of Magyar poetry in German, by Count Majlath (1825), J.
Far from adopting the levity of style too often observable in French romances, the Magyar novels, although enlivened by touches of humour, have generally rather a serious historical or political bearing.
Magyar history is indebted to Paul Jaszay for his careful working out of certain special periods, as, for instance, in his A Magyar nemzet napjai a legregibb idOtOl az arany bullaig (Days of the Hungarian nation from the earliest times to the date of the Golden Bull).
Among the many historians of Magyar literature Francis Toldy alias Schedel holds the foremost place.
This periodical, issued by the academy, has during the last decade (1870-1880) contained also comparative studies, by Arminius Vambery and Gabriel Balint, of the Magyar, TurkishTatar and Mongolian dialects.
naturalis et matheseos, 1472-1875 (Budapest, 1878), where the number of Magyar works bearing on the natural sciences and mathematics printed from the earliest date to the end of 1875 is stated to be 3811, of which 106 are referred to periodicals.
Bu.) The number of Magyar writers has since 1880 increased to an extent hardly expected by the reading public in Hungary itself.
In 1830 there were only 10 Magyar periodical publications; in 1880 we find 368; in 1885 their lit number rose to 494; in 1890 to 636; and at the beginning of 1895 no fewer than 806 periodical publica tions, written in the Hungarian language, appeared in Hungary.
Julius Reviczky (1855-1899) also inclined to the Occidental rather than to the specifically Magyar type of poets; his lyrics are highly finished, aristocratic and pessimistic (Pan halala, " The Death of Pan ").
Amongst rhymed novels-novels in verse formthe best is the Delibdbok h ise (" The Hero of Mirages "), in which Ladislas Arany tells, in brilliantly humorous and captivating fashion, the story of a young Magyar nobleman who, at first full of great ideals and aspirations, finally ends as a commonplace country squire.
To the school so perfectly represented by 3 This will appear even more striking by a consideration of the number of periodical publications published in Hungary in languages other than Magyar.
Such are Victor Rakosi (Sipulus tdredi, " The y Essas of Sipulus "; Rejtett feszkek, " Hidden Nests "); Stephen Mora (A J tyankfiai, " Our Compatriots "); Alexius Benedek, the author of numerous distinctly sympathetic and truly Magyar tales, fables and novels, one of the most gifted and deserving literary workers of modern Hungary (Huszar Anna, " Anna Huszar "; Egy szalmaozvegy levelei, " Letters of a grass widow "; A sziv konyve, " The Book of the Heart "; Katalin, " Catherine "; Csendes ordk, " Quiet Hours "; Testamentum es hat level, " Last Will and Six Letters," translated into German by Dr W.
The third class of Magyar novelists comprises those cosmopolitan writers who take their method of work, their inspiration and even many of their subjects from foreign authors, chiefly French, German, Russian and also Norwegian.
A people with an intense national sentiment, such as the Hungarians, do not as a rule incline towards permanent admiration of foreign-born or imported literary styles; and accordingly the work of this class of novelists has frequently met with very severe criticism on the part of various Magyar critics.
Yet it can scarcely be denied that several of the " foreign " novelists have contributed a wholesome, if not quite Magyar, element of form or thought to literary narrative style in Hungary.
Probably the foremost among them is Sigismund Justh, who died prematurely in the midst of his painful attempt at reconciling French " realistic " modes of thought with what he conceived to be Magyar simplicity (A puszta konyve, " The Book of the Puszta," prairie of Hungary; A Peitz legenddja, " The Legend of Money "; Gdnyo Julcsa, " Juliet Ganyo "; Fuimus).
After the school of Comte, yet to a large extent original, is the Az ember es vildga (" Man and his World ") of Charles Bohm, who in 1881 started a philosophical review (Magyar Filozofiai Szemle), subsequently edited by Joseph Bokor, a vigorous thinker.
On subjects of politics, amongst the more important works are the various monographs of Gustavus Beksics on the Dualism of AustriaHungary, on the " New Foundations of Magyar Politics " (A magyar politika uj alapjai, 1899), on the Rumanian question, &c.; the writings of Emericus Balint, Akos Beothy, Victor Concha (systematic politics), L.
The millennial festivities in 1896 gave rise to the publication of what was then the most extensive history of the Hungarian nation (A magyar nemzet tortenete, 1895-1901), ten large and splendidly illustrated volumes, edited by Alexander Szilagyi, with the collaboration of the best specialists of modern Hungary, Robert Frohlich, B.
The best authorities on Magyar literature are: F.
Toldy, A Magyar nemzeti irodalom tortenete a legregibb idoktol a jelenkorig (Pest, 1864-1865; 3rd ed., 1872); S.
Imre, A Magyar irodalom es nyelv rovid tortenete (Debreczen, 1865; 4th ed., 1878); J.
Szvorenyi, Magyar irodalmi szemelvenyek (Pest, 1867), and A Magyar irodalmi tanulmdnyok kezikonyve (Pest, 1868); P. Jambor, A Magyar irodalom tortenete (Pest, 1864); J.
Kornyei, A Magyar nemzeti irodalomtiirtenet vdzlata (Pest, 1861; 3rd ed., 1874); A.
Lonkay, A Magyar irodalom ismertetese (Budkn, 1855; 3rd ed., Pest, 1864); J.
Ferencz, Magyar irodalom es tudomdnyosscig tortenete (Pest, 1854); J.
Danielik, Magyar Ira.
One of the most useful monographs on " Magyar Literary History Writing " is that of J.
Szinnyei, j unior, A Magyar Irodalomtortenet-Irds ismertetese (Budapest, 1878).
Baron Paul Rauch, the Magyar nominee as Ban, failed, with all his official apparatus, to secure a single seat for his creatures at the general election of 1908, and therefore proceeded to govern without Parliament, by an elaborate system of administrative pressure, press persecution and espionage.
Under his regime Magyar intolerance of Croat national aspirations joined hands with the designs of the Ballplatz against Serbia in connexion with the impending annexation of Bosnia.
Under Magyar pressure Seidler explicitly condemned all schemes of federalism, and pledged the Government and even the crown itself not to adopt any reforms which did not leave untouched the existing provincial boundaries.
This last attempt to win support for the Magyar solution was everywhere met with a blank refusal, and in Bosnia especially the Orthodox, Catholic and Moslem leaders united in a manifesto assuring him of their adherence to the full programme of Yugoslav unity.
As early as the 23rd a Croat regiment stationed in Fiume disarmed the Magyar militia and took possession of the town.
No orders were given for the evacuation of Slovakia; in Transylvania an impossible shaped line was drawn, such as left Cluj (Kolozsvar) and many pure Rumanian districts in Magyar hands; while the Rumanians were incensed by the assignment of Temesvar (Temisoara) and the whole Banat to Serbia.
The Treaty of Trianon satisfied the most essential claims of Yugoslavia, by dividing the whole Banat (save a small Magyar triangle opposite the city of Szeged) between her and Rumania, and by assigning to her the whole Backa (except Baja and district), part of the Baranya (forming the angle between Drave and Danube) and the Medjumurje (between Drava and Mur).
Meanwhile Pecs had become a centre of the exiled Magyar progressives, who preferred a provisional Yugoslav regime to the white terror of Adml.
Some too amongst the medieval authorities (Ibn Haugal and Istakhri) note a resemblance between the speech in use amongst the Khazars and the Bulgarians; and the modern Magyar - a Ugrian language - can be traced back to a tribe which in the 9th century formed part of the Khazar kingdom.
German translations by Zedner (Berlin, 1840) and Cassel, Magyar.
Most of the European races with which the Turks came into close contact during the 15th and 6th centuries seem to have adopted it as a loan-word, and it appears in Magyar as hajdu (plural hajduk), in Serbo-Croatian, Rumanian, Polish and Cech as hajduk, in Bulgarian as hajdutin and in Greek as xaw-rouTns.
In Hungary it was applied to a class of mercenary foot-soldiers of Magyar stock.
In the eastern Carpathians are: the Dukla pass, the Mezo-Laborcz pass crossed by the railway from Tokaj to Przemysl; the Uszok pass, crossed by the road from Ungvar to Sambor; the Vereczke pass, crossed by the railway from Lemberg to Munkacs; the Delatyn or Korosmezo pass (3300 ft.), also called the Magyar route, crossed by the railway from Kolomea to Debreczen; and the Stiol pass in Bukovina.
He and Baron Sigismund Kemeny may be considered as the two founders of high-class Magyar journalism.
She then married Prince Louis of Taranto, and strong in the double support of the papal court at Avignon and of the Venetian republic (both of whom were opposed to Magyar aggrandisement in Italy) questioned the right of Louis to the two Sicilies, which he claimed as the next heir of his murdered brother.
Ban Jellacic, though loyal to the Emperor, had given expression to their aspirations towards unity as early as 1848; but Francis Joseph handed over the Croats and Serbs to Magyar domination (1867), and Dalmatia, the territory of the Austrian Croats, had been neglected by Vienna for years past; thus it was not till the years immediately preceding the war that it was rapidly developed by the construction of ports and railways and the encouragement of tourist traffic. The Slovenes, who inhabited Carinthia and Carniola, had less grounds for discontent, for the barren Karst had been afforested at the expense of the state; but though they were at the very gate of Serbia, they suffered from a shortage of meat, for Hungary obstructed the traffic in livestock in the interests of her great territorial magnates, and Austria bore the brunt of this.
dazzled society by his Magyar uniform, which was encrusted all over, even to the boots, with pearls and diamonds; while the Turkish ambassador, Sarim Effendi, caused much diversion by his bewilderment.
Seton-Watson, German Slav and Magyar (1916), The Czechoslovak Republic (1921); E.
of Poland had fallen on the field of Varna, but it was as a Magyar king at the head of a Magyar army that the young monarch met his fate.
His sensibility, social charm, liberal ideas (he was one of the earliest of the Magyar freemasons) and personal beauty, opened the doors of the best houses to him.
Meanwhile the reactionaries of Vienna were goading the Magyar Liberals into revolt, and Arany found a safety-valve for his growing indignation by composing a satirical poem in hexameters, entitled "The Lost Constitution."
Arany sent in his work, and shortly afterwards was awarded the 25-gulden prize (7th of February 1846) by the society, which then advertised another prize for the best Magyar epic poem.
He wrote many articles, however, in the gazette Nepbardtja, an organ of the Magyar government, and served in the field as a national guard for eight or ten weeks.
In November, the same year, he started Szepirodalmi Tigyelo, a monthly review better known by its later name, Koszeru, which did much for Magyar criticism and literature.
To say nothing of his other great qualities, he is certainly the most artistic of all the Magyar poets.
Toldy, Magyar Koltok elete (2 vols., Pest, 1871); J.
Danielik, Magyar Ira (2 vols., Pest, 1856-1858).
still more zealous on his behalf, and at the diet of Pressburg (1304) his Magyar adherents induced him to attempt to recover the crown of St Stephen from the Czechs.
The wearing of the ancient costumes was forbidden by the ukaz of the 4th of January 1700; thenceforth Saxon or Magyar jackets and French or German hose were prescribed.
No other Magyar king, perhaps, was so mischievous to his country.
As ban, Jellachich's policy was directed to preserving the Slav kingdoms for the Habsburg monarchy by identifying himself with the nationalist opposition to Magyar ascendancy, while at the same time discouraging the extreme "Illyrism" advocated by Lodovik Gaj (1809-1872).
Barbara brought him a dower of ioo,000 gulden and the support of the Magyar magnates, but the match nearly brought about a breach with the emperor Maximilian, jealous already of the Jagiello influence in Hungary.
Under the last monarchs of the native Magyar dynasty Hermannstadt enjoyed exceptional privileges, and its commerce with the East rose to importance.
The imperial government, which still hoped for Magyar aid against the Viennese revolutionists, repudiated the action of the ban, accused him of disobedience and treason, and deprived him of his military rank.
The fate of the Habsburg empire depended upon the issue of the campaign in Italy, which would have been lost by the withdrawal of the Magyar and Croatian regiments; and the Hungarian government chose this critical moment to tamper with the relations of the army to the monarchy.
The imperial government, pressed by the Magyar nationalists to renounce Jellachich and all his works, equivocated and procrastinated, while within its councils the idea of a centralized state, to replace the loose federalism of the old empire, slowly took shape under the pressure of the military party.
At Custozza Magyar hussars, Croats from the Military Frontier, and Tirolese sharpshooters had fought side by side.
So early as the beginning of July, Austrian officers, with the permission of the minister of war, had joined the Serb insurgents who, under Stratemirovic, were defying the Magyar power in the banat.
The German democrats appealed for aid to the Hungarian government; but the Magyar passion for constitutional legality led to delay, and before the Hungarian advance could be made effective, it was too late.
The Magyar nation, - as well as the Czechs, had refused to recognize the of validity of the constitution of 1861 which had estab- dua lished a common parliament for the whole empire; monarc they demanded that the independence of the kingdom of Hungary should be restored.
An agreement was made by which the emperor was to be crowned at Pest and take the ancient oath to the Golden Bull; Hungary (including Transylvania and Croatia) was to have its own parliament and its own ministry; Magyar was to be the official language; the emperor was to rule as king; there was to be complete separation of the finances; not even a common nationality was recognized between the Hungarians and the other subjects of the emperor; a Hungarian was to be a foreigner in Vienna, an Austrian a foreigner in Budapest.
The Delegations were not to sit together; each was to meet separately; they were to communicate by writing, every document being accompanied by a translation in Magyar or German, as the case might be; only if after three times exchanging notes they failed to agree was there to be a common session; in that case there would be no discussion, and they were to vote in silence; a simple majority was sufficient.
But clear signs of the decay of the dualist and of the growth of an extreme nationalist Magyar spirit were already visible.
Demands tending towards the Magyarization of the joint army had been advanced and had found such an echo in Magyar public opinion that Count Andrassy was obliged solemnly to warn the country of the dangers of nationalist Chauvinism and to remind it of its obligations under the Compact of 1867.
At the end of 1902 the supernumeraries were discharged - too late to calm the ardour of the Opposition, which proceeded to demand that the Army bills should be entirely withdrawn or that, if adopted, they should be counterbalanced by concessions to Magyar nationalist feeling calculated to promote the use of the Magyar language in the Hungarian part of the army and to render the Hungarian regiments, few of which are purely Magyar, more and more Magyar in character.
Obstruction was continued by a section of the independence party; and Kossuth, seeing his authority ignored, resigned the leadership. The obstructionists now raised the cry that the German words of command i n the joint army must be replaced by Magyar words in the regiments recruited from Hungary - a demand which, apart from its disintegrating influence on the army, the crown considered to be an encroachment upon the royal military prerogatives as defined by the Hungarian Fundamental Law XII.
The cry for the Magyar words of command on which the subsequent constitutional crisis turned, was tantamount to a demand that the monarch should differentiate the Hungarian from the Austrian part of the joint army, and should render it impossible for any but Magyar officers to command Hungarian regiments, less than half of which have a majority of Magyar recruits.
The partisans of the Magyar words of command based their claim upon clause 12 of the Fundamental Law XII.
Since Hungary reserved her right to fix the conditions on which recruits should be granted, the partisans of the Magyar words of command argued that the abolition of the German words of command in the Hungarian regiments might be made such a condition, despite the enumeration in the preceding clause 11, of everything appertaining to the unitary leadership and inner organization of the joint Austro-Hungarian army as belonging to the constitutional military prerogatives of the crown.
Practically, the dispute was a trial of strength between Magyar nationalist feeling and the crown.
An interval of negotiation between the crown and many leading Magyar Liberals followed, until at the end of October 1903 Count Stephen Tisza, son of Koloman Tisza, accepted a mission to form a cabinet after all others had declined.
As programme Tisza brought with him a number of concessions from the crown to Magyar nationalist feeling in regard to military matters, particularly in regard to military badges, penal procedure, the transfer of officers of Hungarian origin from Austrian to Hungarian regiments, the establishment of military scholarships for Magyar youths and the introduction of the two years' service system.
Notwithstanding the concessions, obstruction was continued by the Clericals and the extreme Independents, partly in the hope of compelling the crown to grant the Magyar words of command and partly out of antipathy towards the person of the young calvinist premier.
The Coalition, though possessing the majority in the Chamber, resolved not to take office unless the crown should grant its demands, including the Magyar words of command and customs separation from Austria.
The miserable state of public finances and the depression of trade doubtless helped to induce them to perform a duty which they ought to have performed from the first; but their chief motive was the desire to escape the menace of universal suffrage or, at least, to make sure that it would be introduced in such a form as to safeguard Magyar supremacy over the other Hungarian races.
The burning question of the " Magyar word of command " remained unsettled, save in so far as the fixed determination of the king-emperor had settled it; the equally important question of the renewal of the charter of the Austro-Hungarian State Bank had also formed no part of the agreement of 1907.
Parliament had repeatedly expressed its disapproval of the Magyar demands upon the crown, but had succeeded only in demonstrating its own impotence.
The first are the descendants of the Magyar conquerors.
By the Hungarians, however, Goluchowski was hated; he was suspected of having inspired the emperor's opposition to the use of Magyar in the Hungarian army, and was made responsible for the slight offered to the Magyar deputation by Francis Joseph in September 1905.
The ideal of a prosperous, brilliant and attractive Magyar capital, which would keep the nobles and the intellectual flower of the country at home, uniting them in the service of the Fatherland, had received a powerful impetus from Count Stephan Szechenyi, the great Hungarian reformer of the pre-Revolutionary period.
From that time to the present day the record of the Hungarian capital has been one of uninterrupted advance, not merely in externals, such as the removal of slums, the reconstruction of the town, the development of communications, industry and trade, and the erection of important public buildings, but also in the mental, moral and physical elevation of the inhabitants; besides another important gain from the point of view of the Hungarian statesman, namely, the progressive increase and improvement of status of the Magyar element of the population.
When it is remembered that the ideal of both the authorities and the people is the ultimate monopoly of the home market by Hungarian industry and trade, and the strengthening of the Magyar influence by centralization, it is easy to understand the progress of Budapest.
Politically, this ambitious and progressive capital is the creation of the Magyar upper classes.
Again the Finnish languages spoken in various parts of Russia and more or less allied to Magyar must have spread gradually westwards from the Urals, and their development and diffusion seem to postulate a long period (for the history of the Finns shows that they were not mobile like the Turks and Mongols), so that the ancestral language from which spring Finnish and Magyar can hardly have been brought across Asia after the Christian era.
STEPHEN [ST STEPHEN]] (977-1038), king of Hungary, was the son of Geza, duke of Hungary, and of Sarolta, one of the few Magyar Christian ladies, who obtained the best teachers for her infant son.
ESTERHAZY OF GALANTHA, a noble Magyar family.
Thoroughly reactionary, and absolutely devoted to the Habsburgs, he contributed more than any one else to the curtailing of the privileges of the Magyar gentry in 1687, when he was created a prince of the Empire, with (in 1712) succession to the first-born of his house.
He at once proceeded to put fresh life into the despondent and irresolute Conservative party, and the Magyar aristocracy, by gallantly combating in the Vilag the opinions of Kossuth's paper, the Pesti Hirlap. But the multiplicity of his labours was too much for his feeble physique, and he died on the 9th of February 1842, at the very time when his talents seemed most indispensable.
Possibly the information there given was derived from southern Hungary or Transylvania where remains of the Gepidae were to be found shortly before the Magyar invasion (889).
The war of 1859 convinced the Austrian government, at last, of the necessity of a reconciliation with Hungary; but the ensuing negotiations were conducted not through Deak, but through the Magyar Conservatives.
The Magyar Conservatives hereupon entered into negotiations with Deak, and the Austrian government, more than ever convinced of the necessity of a reconciliation, was ready to take the first step, if Hungary would take the second and third.
On the 18th of July he went to Vienna, to urge the necessity of forming a responsible Magyar ministry without delay.
In central Moldavia there is a large population of Magyar descent, and the Servian and Bulgarian elements are strong near the Danube.
ing the Hungarian supremacy, but in 1367 the voivode Vlad or Vladislav inflicted another severe defeat on the Hungarians, and succeeded for a time in ousting the Magyar governor of Turnu Severin, and thus incorporating Oltland in his own dominions.
TR.; X.) Language Rumanian 1 is, geographically, an isolated eastern member of the group of Romance languages, being severed from all the rest by countries in which the predominant speech is Slavonic or Magyar.
Structurally, its Latin characteristics have been well preserved; but its vocabulary has undergone great changes, becoming so far Slavonized that the ratio of words of Slavonic origin to words of Latin origin is approximately as three to two; large numbers of loan-words have also been added from Turkish, Greek, Magyar and other sources.
In the Macedo-Rumanian there are no Magyar loan-words, but there is a large Albanian element, and Greek loan-words are more numerous than Slavonic.
The name Weissenburg occurs in three other places; the town of Weissenburg-am-Sand in Bavaria; a Swiss invalid resort in the Niedersimmental, above Lake Thun, with sulphate of lime springs, beneficial for bronchial affections; also a Hungarian comitat (Magyar Fejervar), with Stuhlweissenburg as capital.
Szalay also wrote remarkable studies on Pitt, Fox, Mirabeau and other statesmen, and contributed very considerably to the codification of Magyar law.
At the Diet of 1825, when the motion for founding a Hungarian academy was made by PM Nagy, who bitterly reproached the Magyar nobles for so long neglecting their mother-tongue, Szechenyi offered to contribute a whole year's income (60,000 florins) towards it.
He held the portfolio of ways and communications in the first responsible Magyar administration (March 23, 1848) under Batthyany, but his increasing apprehension of a revolution, with its inevitable corollaries of civil war and a rupture with the dynasty, finally affected his mind, and on the 5th of September he was removed to an asylum.
The word usage examples above have been gathered from various sources to reflect current and historial usage. They do not represent the opinions of YourDictionary.com.