Kruger Sentence Examples

After the Jameson raid and the Emperor's telegram to President Kruger, in the drafting of which Baron Marschall, according to the later testimony now available, bore a leading part, it was he who declared in the Reichstag that the maintenance of the independence of the Boer republics was a " German interest."

Sir Alfred Milner reached the Cape in May 1897, and after the difficulties with President Kruger over the Aliens' Law had been patched up he was free by August to make himself personally acquainted with the country and peoples before deciding on the lines of policy to be adopted.

Though this was recognized by the more far-seeing of the Bond leaders, they were ready to support Kruger, whether or not he granted reforms, and they sought to make Milner's position impossible.

He returned to the Cape in February 1899 fully assured of the support of Mr Chamberlain, though the government still clung to the hope that the moderate section of the Cape and Free State Dutch would induce Kruger to deal justly with the Uitlanders.

Krugersdorp was founded in 1887 at the time of the discovery of gold on the Rand and is named after President Kruger.

Sechele was regarded by the Boers as owing them allegiance, and in August 1852 Pretorius sent against him a commando (in which Paul Kruger served as a field cornet), alleging that the Bakwena were harbouring a Bakatla chief who had looted cattle belonging to Boer farmers.

Paul Kruger, who lived near Rustenburg, became a strong adherent of the new church.

At length Commandant Paul Kruger called cut the burghers of his district and entered into the strife.

Having driven Schoeman and his followers from Pretoria, Kruger invaded Potchefstroom, which, after a skirmish in which three men were killed and seven wounded, ' fell into his hands.

A temporary peace was no sooner secured than Commandant Jan Viljoen rose in revolt and engaged Kruger's forces.

Kruger's force called itself the Staatsleger or Army of the State.

Kruger was appointed commandant-general.

In 1867 Schoemansdal and a considerable portion of the district were abandoned on the advice of Commandant-general Paul Kruger, and Schoemansdal finally was burnt to ashes by a party of natives.

He shows how, for purely personal ends, Kruger allied himself with the British faction who were agitating for annexation, and to undermine him and endeavour to gain the presidency, urged the Boers to pay no taxes.

However this may be, Burgers was crushed; but as a consequence the British government and not Paul Kruger was, for a time at least, master of the Transvaal.

In view of his attitude before annexation, it was not surprising that Kruger should be one of the first men to agitate against it afterwards.

And so Kruger and Dr Jorissen, by whom he was accompanied, were the first to approach Lord Carnarvon with an appeal for revocation of the proclamation.

Kruger, who since the annexation had held a salaried appointment under the British Government, again became one of a deputation to England.

On being directly appealed to by Kruger and Joubert, Gladstone however replied that the liberty which they sought might be " most easily and promptly conceded to the Transvaal as a member of a South African Confederation."

This, however, was not immediately available, and on the 13th of December the Boers in public meeting at Paardekraal resolved once more to proclaim the South African Republic, and in the meantime to appoint a triumvirate, consisting of Kruger, Pretorius and Joubert, as a provisional government.

The government of the state was handed over to the triumvirate on the 8th of August and was continued in their name until May 1883, when Kruger was elected president.

Simultaneously with this " irresponsible " movement for expansion, President Kruger proceeded to London to interview Lord Derby and endeavour to induce him to dispense with the suzerainty, and to withdraw other clauses in the Pretoria Convention on foreign relations and natives, which were objectionable from the Boer point of view.

Moreover, Kruger requested that the term " South African Republic " should be substituted for Transvaal State.

Unfortunately, the timid way in which it was done made as ineffaceable an impression on Kruger even as the surrender after Majuba.

Notwithstanding the precise fixing of the boundaries of the republic by the London Convention, President Kruger endeavoured to maintain the Boer hold on Goshen and Stellaland, but the British government on Efforts.

At the same time President Kruger revived the project of obtaining a seaport for the state, one of the objects of Boer ambitions since 1860 (vide supra).

Kruger endeavoured to acquire Kosi Bay, to the north of Zululand and only 50 m.

The wealth which was pouring into the Boer state coffers exceeded the wildest dreams of President Kruger and his followers.

Kruger would have none of it, although by so doing he could have obtained permission for a settlement at and railway to Kosi Bay.

Kruger's design at this time was to bring the whole of the external trade of the state, which was growing yearly as the gold industry developed, through Delagoa Bay and over the Netherlands railway.

Reitz as president of the Orange Free State (January 1889) on the death of Sir John Brand, Kruger recognized a new opportunity of endeavouring to cajole the Free State.

Brand had arranged, in the teeth of the strongest protests from Kruger, that the Cape railway should extend to Bloemfontein and subsequently to the Vaal river.

In response Kruger enacted that the period of qualification for the full franchise should now be raised to ten years instead of five.

During this year Kruger visited Johannesburg, and what was known as " the flag incident " occurred.

This incensed Kruger so much that for many years he continued to quote it as a reason why no consideration could be granted to the Uitlanders.

But they asserted that a narrow and retrogressive policy, such as Kruger was following, was the very thing to endanger that independence.

It soon became evident that one course, and one only, lay open to President Kruger if he desired to avert a catastrophe.

In the negotiations which followed, President Kruger at length agreed to extend " most favoured nation " privileges to British subjects in reference to compulsory military service, and five British subjects who had been sent as prisoners to the front were released.

This result was not, however, achieved before President Kruger had done his utmost to induce Sir Henry Loch to promise some revision in favour of the Transvaal of the London Convention.

Whether he deceived himself or not, he led President Kruger and the Boers to believe that Germany was prepared to go to almost any length in support of the Transvaal if any opportunity occurred.

His influence was an undoubted factor in the Kruger policy of that time.

The Delagoa Bay railway being at length completed to Pretoria and Johannesburg, Kruger determined to take steps to bring the Rand traffic over The Netherlands railway Drifts began by putting a prohibitive tariff on goods from the Vaal river.

Kruger then closed the drifts (or fords) on the river by which the wagons crossed.

Kruger telegraphed that " this annexation cannot be regarded by this government otherwise than as directed against this republic. They must therefore regard it as an unfriendly act, against which they hereby protest."

The words were but the utterance of an individual Raad member, but they were only a shade less offensive than those used by Kruger in 1892, and they too accurately describe the attitude of the Boer executive.

Rhodes and Jameson, after considerable deliberation, came to the conclusion that they might advantageously intervene between Kruger and the Uitlanders.

Between them it was arranged that Jameson should gather a force of Boo men on the Transvaal border; that the Uitlanders should continue their agitation; and that, should no satisfactory concession be obtained from Kruger, a combined movement of armed forces should be made against the government.

Phillips had been for three years in succession chairman of the chamber of mines, and he had persistently for several years tried to induce Kruger to take a reasonable view of the requirements of the industry.

It was after the Johannesburg disarmament that Kruger had sixty-four members of the reform committee arrested, announcing at the same time that his motto would be ".

In the period which intervened between the Jameson raid and the outbreak of the war in October 1899 President Kruger's administration continued to be what it had been; that is to say, it was not merely bad, but it got progressively worse.

When Kruger found that no concession was to be wrung from the British government, he proceeded, instead of considering grievances, to add considerably to their number.

An industrial commission appointed during this year by President Kruger fared no better than the high court had done.

These recommendations made by President Kruger's own nominees were practically ignored.

In 1898, to strengthen his relations with foreign powers, Kruger sent the state secretary, Dr Leyds," to Europe as minister plenipotentiary, his place on the Transvaal executive being taken by Mr Reitz, the ex-president of the Free State.

At home Kruger continued as obdurate as ever.

In January 1899 Mr Chamberlain pointed out in a despatch to President Kruger that the dynamite monopoly constituted a breach of the London Convention.

In 1890 he became state secretary and in that position was regarded as Kruger's right-hand man.

Alfred Milner to meet President Kruger at Bloemfontein, hoping to be able to exert pressure on both parties and to arrange a settlement as favourable as possible to Bioem- the Transvaal.

It no sooner opened than it was evident that Kruger had come to obtain, not to grant, concessions.

President Kruger had every expectation of large reinforcements from the Dutch in the two British colonies; he believed that, whatever happened, Europe would not allow Boer independence to be destroyed; and he had assured himself of the adhesion of the Orange Free State, though it was not till the very last moment that President Steyn formally notified Sir Alfred Milner of this fact.

In England, on the other hand, it was thought by most people that if a firm enough attitude were adopted Mr Kruger would " climb down," and the effect of this error was shown partly in the whole course of the negotiations, partly in the tone personally adopted by Mr Chamberlain.

The second, the period of Boer organized resistance, may be said to have finished with the occupation of Komati Poort in October 1900 (a month after Lord Roberts's formal annexation of the Transvaal) and the flight of President Kruger.

Bloemfontein, President Kruger himself arriving on the scene to give confidence to his burghers; but the demoralization was so great that neither the military genius of the few nor the personal influence of the president could bolster up an adequate resistance, and on the 13th of March 1900 Lord Roberts's army marched into the Free State capital.

On the 30th of May President Kruger fled with the state archives, taking up his residence at Waterval Boven on the Komati Poort line.

Mr Kruger, deserting his countrymen, left for Europe in a Dutch man-of-war, and General Buller sailed for Europe.

Signs of weakness were now apparent, and as a result Louis Botha, acting with the authority of Schalk Burger, the representative of President Kruger, opened negotiations with Kitchener.

In July there were further evidences of weakness on the part of the Boers, and Botha applied for permission to communicate with Kruger.

This was allowed, but, as Kruger advised a continuance of the struggle, the slow course of the war continued.

The entire text of the London MS. was published by Land in the third volume of his Anecdota syriaca; and there is now an English translation by Hamilton and Brooks (London, 1899), and a German one by Ahrens and Kruger (Leipzig, 1899).

The former Presidency, the residence of Paul Kruger, is at the western end of the street near the Spruit.

Opposite it is the Dopper Church, in which Kruger used occasionally to preach.

A park and sports ground at the western end of the town contains the pedestal for a statue of President Kruger.

Among those buried there are Kruger and many of the British who fell during the war of 1899-1902.

From that time until 1900 the dominating figure in the town was that of the president - Paul Kruger.

In May 1900 Kruger fled from the town, which on the 5th of June surrendered without resistance to Lord Roberts, despite its formidable encircling forts, which however were never effectively armed.

During the year a Boer commando under Paul Kruger and an army under Cetywayo were posted along the Utrecht border.

President Kruger protested in vain against this annexation, Great Britain being determined to prevent another Power establishing itself on the south-east African seaboard.

Thereupon Pretorius, aided by Paul Kruger, conducted a raid into the Free State territory.

Pretorius and Kruger, realizing that they would have to sustain attack from both north and south, abandoned their enterprise.

Kruger came to Boshof's camp with a flag of truce, the " army " of Pretorius returned north and on the 2nd of June a treaty of peace was signed, each state acknowledging the absolute independence of the other.

Mr Reitz had no sooner got into office than a meeting was arranged with Mr Kruger, president of the Transvaal, at which various terms of an agreement dealing with the railways, terms of a treaty of amity and commerce and what was called a political treaty, were discussed and decided upon.

In 1897 President Kruger, bent on still further cementing the union with the Free State, visited Bloemfontein.

It was on this occasion that President Kruger, referring to the London Convention, spoke of Queen Victoria as a kwaaje Vrouw, an expression which caused a good deal of offence in England at the time, but which, to any one familiar with the homely phraseology of the Boers, obviously was not meant by President Kruger as insulting.

The evidence contained in these state records so clearly marks the difference between the policy of Mr Kruger and the pacific, commercial policy of President Brand and his followers, that the documents call for careful consideration.

Both of these suggestions were strongly disapproved by Mr Kruger, inasmuch as they meant knitting together the Boer republics and the British possessions, instead of merely bringing the Free State into completer dependence on the Transvaal.

In the minds of President Kruger and his immediate followers one idea was dominant, that of ousting and keeping out at all costs British influence and interests.

In President Kruger's eyes British trade meant ruin; he desired to keep it out of the Republic at all costs, and he begged the Free State to delay the construction of their railway until the Delagoa Bay line was completed.

With regard to the Customs Union, President Kruger was equally emphatic; he begged the Free State to steer clear of it.

President Kruger replied that once the Transvaal had a harbour foreign powers would intervene.

President Kruger determined on a still more active measure, and proceeded with Dr Leyds to interview President Brand at Bloemfontein.

President Kruger, however, soon brushed these propositions aside, and responded by stating that, in consideration of the common enemy and the dangers which threatened the Republic, an offensive and defensive alliance must be preliminary to any closer union.

To this Brand rejoined that, as far as the offensive was concerned, he did not desire to be a party to attacking any one, and as for the defensive, where was the pressing danger of the enemy which Kruger feared ?

This constitution appears to have been modelled on terms a great deal too liberal and enlightened to please Mr Kruger, whose one idea was to have at his command the armed forces of the Free State when he should require them, and who pressed for an offensive and defensive affiance.

The result of the whole conference was that Kruger returned to Pretoria completely baffled, and for a time the Free State was saved from being a party to the fatal policy into which others subsequently drew it.

The influence which the Kruger party had obtained in the Free State was evidenced by the presidential election in 1896, when Mr Steyn received forty-one votes against nineteen cast for Mr Fraser.

These measures suggest that a slight reaction against the extreme policy of President Kruger had set in.

In May 1899 President Steyn suggested the conference at Bloemfontein between President Kruger and Sir Alfred Milner, but this act, if it expressed a genuine desire for reconciliation, was too late.

President Kruger had got the Free State ensnared in his meshes.

He was one of the most trusted counsellors of Presidents Steyn and Kruger, and the ultimatum sent to the British on the eve of hostilities was recast by him.

Kruger (1895, English translation 1897) is a very convenient summary.

The Boers then resorted to cajolery, and at a meeting held in August 1870, at which President Pretorius and Paul Kruger represented the Transvaal, invited the Barolong to join their territories with that of the republic, in order to save them from becoming British.

This was a breach of the London convention, and President Kruger explained that the 'steps had been taken in the " interests of humanity."

On the 22nd of January Kruger met Warren at the Modder river, and endeavoured to stop him from proceeding farther, saying that he would be responsible for keeping order in the country.

The outbreak of the Boer War in 1899 led to a strong outburst of sympathy among the Dutch on behalf of their kinsmen in South Africa, and there were times during the war, especially after President Kruger had fled from the Transvaal in a Dutch war vessel and had settled in Holland, when it was a task of some difficulty for the Dutch government to prevent the relations between Great Britain and the Netherlands from becoming strained.

The best edition of the Digest is that of Moinmsen (Berlin 1868-1870), and of the Codex that of Kruger (Berlin 1875-1877).

Again, after Mr Kruger's ultimatum in October 1899, Lord Rosebery spoke upon the necessity of the nation closing its ranks and supporting the government in the prosecution of war in South Africa.

His father was Caspar Jan Hendrick Kruger, who was born in 1796, and whose wife bore the name of Steyn.

The founder of the Kruger family appears to have been a German named Jacob Kruger, who in 1713 was sent with others by the Dutch East India Company to the Cape.

At the age of ten Paul Kruger - as he afterwards came to be known - accompanied his parents in the migration, known as the Great Trek, from the Cape Colony to the territories north of the Orange in the years 1835-1840.

It is related of Kruger, as indeed it has been said of Piet Retief and others of the early Boer leaders, that he believed himself the object of special Divine guidance.

During this sojourn in the wilderness Kruger stated that he had been especially favoured by God, who had communed with and inspired him.

Of these the narrowest, most puritanical, and most bigoted was the Dopper sect, to which Kruger belonged.

When not fighting natives in those early days Kruger was engaged in distant hunting excursions which took him as far north as the Zambezi.

For many years after this date the condition of the country was one bordering upon anarchy, and into the faction strife which was continually going on Kruger freely entered.

From this time forward Kruger's life is so intimately bound up with the history of his country, and even in later years of South Africa, that a study of that history is essential to an understanding of it (see Transvaal and South Africa).

In 1864, when the faction fighting ended and Pretorius was president, Kruger was elected commandant-general of the forces of the Transvaal.

During the term of Burgers' presidency Kruger appeared to great disadvantage.

The one idea of Kruger and his faction was to oust Burgers from office on any pretext, and, if possible, to put Kruger in his place.

When the downfall of Burgers was assured and annexation offered itself as the alternative resulting from his downfall, it is true that Kruger opposed it.

Annexation became an accomplished fact, and Kruger accepted paid office under the British government.

In 1880 the Boer rebellion occurred, and Kruger was one of the famous triumvirate, of which General Piet Joubert and Pretorius were the other members, who, after Majuba, negotiated the terms of peace on which the Pretoria convention of August 1881 was drafted.

In November 1883 President Kruger again visited England, this time for the purpose of getting another convention.

In 1886, the year in which the Rand mines were discovered, President Kruger was by no means a popular man even among his own followers; as an administrator of internal affairs he had shown himself grossly incompetent, and it was only the specious success of his negotiations with the British government which had retained him any measure of support.

The principle of government monopoly in trade being thus established, President Kruger now turned his attention to the further securing of Boer political monopoly.

In 1893 Kruger had to face a third presidential election, and on this occasion the opposition he had raised among the burgers, largely by the favouritism he displayed to the Hollander party, was so strong that it was fully anticipated that his more liberal opponent, General Joubert, would be elected.

Before the election was decided Kruger took care to conciliate the volksraad members, as well as to see that at all the volksraad elections, which occurred shortly before the presidential election, his supporters were returned, or, if not returned, that his opponents were objected to on some trivial pretext, and by this means prevented from actually sitting in the volksraad until the presidential election was over.

In spite of these facts Kruger's position was insecure.

The appeal, however, was fruitless, and Kruger retained office.

The action taken by President Kruger at this election, and his previous actions in ousting President Burgers and in absolutely excluding the Uitlanders from the franchise, all show that at any cost, in his opinion, the government must remain a close corporation, and that while he lived he must remain at the head of it.

From 1877 onward Kruger's external policy was consistently anti-British, and on every side - in Bechuanaland, in Rhodesia, in Zululand - he attempted to enlarge the frontiers of the Transvaal at the expense of Great Britain.

In 1898 Kruger was elected president of the Transvaal for the fourth and last time.

In 1899 relations between the Transvaal and Great Britain had become so strained, by reason of the oppression of the foreign population, that a conference was arranged at Bloemfontein between Sir Alfred (afterwards Lord) Milner, the high commissioner, and President Kruger.

Kruger was true to his principles.

Kruger thus achieved one of the objects of his life.

This retort was President Kruger's rallying cry whenever he found himself in the least degree pressed, either from within or without the state.

In 1900, Bloemfontein and Pretoria having been occupied by British troops, Kruger, too old to go on commando, with the consent of his executive proceeded to Europe, where he endeavoured to induce the European powers to intervene on his behalf, but without success.

He took up his residence at Utrecht, where he dictated a record of his career, published in 1902 under the title of The Memoirs of Paul Kruger.

He was buried at Pretoria on the following 16th of December, Dingaan's Day, the anniversary of the day in 1838 when the Boers crushed the Zulu king Dingaan - a fight in which Kruger, then a lad of thirteen, had taken part.

Kruger was thrice married, and had a large family.

It is recorded that when a statue to President Kruger at Pretoria was erected, it was by Mrs. Kruger's wish that the hat was left open at the top, in order that the rain-water might collect there for the birds to drink.

He was appointed in 1900 chairman of a commission to inquire into the various concessions which President Kruger and the Rand had granted to companies and private individuals in the Transvaal, and to report which should be maintained and which annulled.

The Zoutpansberg Boers formed a semi-independent community, and in 1857 Stephanus Schoeman, their commandant-general, sided against Marthinus Pretorius and Paul Kruger when they invaded the Orange Free State.

If Watermeyer's formula, " In all things political, purely despotic; in all things commercial, purely monopolist," was true of the government of the Dutch East India Company in the 18th century, it was equally true of Kruger's government in the latter part of the 19th.

At that time Paul Kruger and Piet Joubert, delegates from the Transvaal Boers, were in Cape Town, and they used their influence to prevent the acceptance of the proposals, which were shelved by the ministry accepting " the 3 Serious troubles with the Basutos which began in 1879 reacted on the situation in the Transvaal and Natal.

In its external, as in most of its internal policy, the Transvaal was controlled from 1881 onward by Paul Kruger, who The AM- was elected president of the state in 1883.

Yet Kruger was scarcely the real leader in the nationalist movement to which the successful revolt of 1880-81 gave strength.

But Kruger remained implacable, bigoted, avaricious, determined on a policy of isolation.

Brand refused to be ensnared in Kruger's policy, and the negotiations led to no agreement.

Kruger thus achieved one of the objects of his policy.

This influx was looked upon with disfavour by Kruger and his supporters, and, while the new corners were heavily taxed, steps were speedily taken to revise the franchise laws so that the immigrants should have little chance of becoming burghers of the republic. This exclusion the tilt' policy was even applied to immigrants from the le nders.

He fully admitted that the cry which had become so popular since 1881 of " Africa for the Afrikanders " expressed a reasonable aspiration, but he constantly pointed out that its fulfilment could most had from the 16th century onward maintained a Y advantageously be sought, not, as the Kruger party and extremists of the Bond believed, by working for an independent South Africa, but by working for the development of South Africa as a whole on democratic, self-reliant, self-governing lines, under the shelter of the British flag.

Hofmeyr was among those whom Kruger's attitude drove into a loose alliance with Rhodes.

For three years petitions and deputations, public meetings and newspaper articles, the efforts of the enlightened South African party at Johannesburg and Pretoria, were all addressed to the endeavour to induce President Kruger and his government to give some measure of recognition to the steadily increasing Uitlander population.

President Kruger remained as impenetrable as adamant.

Up to this period a section of the Uitlanders had believed that Kruger and his following would listen to reason; now all realized that such an expectation was vain.

Mr Chamberlain still desired Kruger to grant immediate reforms and propounded a scheme of " Home Rule " for the Rand.

It also gave a much desired opportunity for the intrusion of other powers in the affairs of the Transvaal; 3 and it led Kruger to revive the scheme for a united South Africa under a Dutch republican flag.

A section of the Dutch population was not however disposed to sacrifice the development of industries and commerce for racial considerations; while sharing the political aspirations of Kruger and Steyn the wiser among them wished for such a measure of reform in the Transvaal as would remove all justification for outside interference.

Germany at the time of the Raid was prepared to intervene, and on the 3rd of January 1896 the German Emperor, by telegram, congratulated Kruger that " without appealing to the help of friendly powers " the Boers had overcome Jameson.

Kruger also sought (unsuccessfully) to have the London Convention of 1884 annulled, and he entered into a closer union with the Free State.

Great Britain watched the development of Kruger's plans with misgiving, but except on points of detail it was felt for some time to be impossible to bring pressure upon the Transvaal.

That party soon afterwards had it in its power to bring pressure officially upon President Kruger, for it was a few months after the delivery of the s p eech that Mr Schreiner became premier.

An Industrial Commission, appointed (under pressure) by President Kruger in 1897 to inquire into a number of grievances affecting the gold industry, had reported in favour of reforms. The recommendations of the commission, if adopted, would have done something towards relieving the tension, but President Kruger and his executive refused to be guided by them.

In view of the critical situation Milner and Kruger met in conference at Bloemfontein on the 31st of May.

Messrs Hofmeyr and Herholdt, the one the leader of the Bond and the other the Cape minister of agriculture, visited Pretoria to reason with Kruger.

After the surrender of Cronje at Paardeberg (February 1900) to Lord Roberts, Presidents Kruger and Steyn offered to make peace, but on terms which should include the acknowledgment of " the incontestable independence of both republics as sovereign international states "; the Boers also sought, unavailingly, the intervention of foreign powers.

A few days later ex-President Kruger sailed from Lourengo Marques for Europe.

Most of the men on their side who had come to the front in the war, such as General Louis Botha in the Transvaal, had been opponents of the Kruger regime; they now decided to continue the struggle, largely because they trusted that the Cape Dutch, and their sympathizers in Great Britain, would be able to obtain for them a re-grant of independence.

Later Rustenburg became the home of the Kruger family.

The policy of the extremists of this last party was summed up in the appeal which President Kruger made to the Free State in February 1881, when he bade them " Come and help us.

His influence over the Dutch members was supreme, and in addition to directing the policy of the Bond within the Cape Colony, he supported and defended the aggressive expansion policy of President Kruger and the Transvaal Boers.

But President Kruger, consistently pursuing his own policy, hoped through the Delagoa Bay railway to make the South African Republic entirely independent of Cape Colony.

The endeavour to bring about a customs union which would embrace the Transvaal was also little to the taste of President Kruger's Hollander advisers, interested as they were in the schemes of the Netherlands Railway Company, who owned the railways of the Transvaal.

To this policy President Kruger and the Transvaal government offered every possible opposition.

It is quite evident from the action which President Kruger subsequently took in the matter that this charge was put on with his approval, and with the object of compelling traffic to be brought to the Transvaal by the Delagoa route, instead of as heretofore by the colonial railway.

Thereupon President Kruger arbitrarily closed the drifts (fords) on the Vaal river, and thus prevented through waggon traffic, causing an enormous block of waggons on the banks of the Vaal.

President Kruger took no notice of this remonstrance, and an appeal was made to the imperial government; whereupon the latter entered into an agreement with the Cape government, to the effect that if the Cape would bear half the cost of any expedition which should be necessary, assist with troops, and give full use of the Cape railway for military purposes if required, a protest should be sent to President Kruger on the subject.

President Kruger at once reopened the drifts, and undertook that he would issue no further proclamation on the subject except after consultation with the imperial government.

The effect of them, it was believed, might conceivably be to encourage President Kruger in persisting in his rejection of the British terms. Mr Schreiner, it is true, used directly what influence he possessed to induce President Kruger to adopt a reasonable course.

But however excellent his intentions, his publicly expressed disapproval of the ChamberlainMilner policy probably did more harm than his private influence with Mr Kruger could possibly do good.

On the 11th of June 1899, shortly after the Bloemfontein conference, from which Sir Alfred Milner had just returned, Mr Schreiner asked the high commissioner to inform Mr Chamberlain that he and his colleagues agreed in regarding President Kruger's Bloemfontein proposals as " practical, reasonable and a considerable step in the right direction."

Early in June, however, the Cape Dutch politicians began to realize that President Kruger's attitude was not so reasonable as they had endeavoured to persuade themselves, and Mr Hofmeyr, accompanied by Mr Herholdt, the Cape minister of agriculture, visited Pretoria.

If any emissary could accomplish anything in the way of persuading Mr Kruger, it was assuredly Mr Hofmeyr.

On the r i th of July, after seeing Mr Hofmeyr on his return, Mr Schreiner made a personal appeal to President Kruger to approach the imperial government in a friendly spirit.

On the 28th of July Mr Chamberlain sent a conciliatory despatch to President Kruger, suggesting a meeting of delegates to consider and report on his last franchise proposals, which were complex to a degree.

He evinced, as premier of the Cape Colony, the same inability to understand the Uitlanders' grievances, the same futile belief in the eventual fairness of President Kruger, as he had shown when giving evidence before the British South Africa Select Committee into the causes of the Jameson Raid.

Actual experience taught him that President Kruger was beyond an appeal to reason, and that the protestations of President Steyn were insincere.

In 1893 a further conference on the Swazi question took place between Sir Henry Loch, high commissioner for South Africa, and President Kruger, the result of which was that the administration of Swaziland, with certain reservations as to the rights of the natives, was made over to the South African Republic. In the following year six Swazi envoys visited England for the purpose of asking Queen Victoria to take Swaziland under her protection.

Three years later some Transvaal deputies,with their president, Kruger, came to London and saw Lord Derby, the secretary of state for the colonies.

The president of the republic, Kruger, however, handed over his prisoners to the British authorities, and parliament instituted an inquiry by a select committee into the circumstances of the raid.

In the spring of 1899, Sir Alfred Mimer, governor of the Cape, met President Kruger at BoerWa.r Bloemfontein, the capltal of the Orange Free State, and 1899.

In his negotiations with President Kruger one masterful temperament was pitted against another.

Opposition hostility reached such a pitch that in 1899 there was hardly an act of the cabinet during the negotiations with President Kruger which was not attributed to the personal malignity and unscrupulousness of the colonial secretary.

Tho usually gregarious, the only sighting in South Africa was a single in northern Kruger.

In the Kruger, happily, big-game hunters are denied their kicks.

Scribe Ehren Kruger, who is teaming with Bobker and helmer Iain Softley on Skeleton Key for Universal Pictures, penned the Grimm screenplay.

He and Kruger demonstrate some fine romantic chemistry, and Justin Bartha gets off some legitimately funny lines as Ben's long-suffering sidekick.

He also realized - as was shown by the triumphant re-election of Mr Kruger to the presidency of the Transvaal in February 1898 - that the Pretoria government would never on its own initiative redress the grievances of the "Uitlanders."

Peaceful overtures having failed, Pretorius and Paul Kruger placed themselves at the head of a commando which crossed the Vaal with the object of enforcing union, but the Free State compelled their withof drawal (see Orange Free State).

Kruger now endeavoured to control the railway policy of the Free State, and induced that republic to agree to a treaty whereby each state bound itself to help the other whenever the independence of either should be threatened or assailed, unless the cause of quarrel was, in the eyes of the state called in to assist, an unjust one (see Orange Free State).

At a banquet given in honour of the German emperor's birthday in Pretoria in January 1895, Kruger referred in glowing terms to the friendship of Germany for the Transvaal, which in the future was to be more firmly established than ever.

While in Pretoria the high commissioner in the first instance addressed himself to inducing Johannesburg to lay down its arms. He telegraphed to the reform committee that Kruger had insisted " that Johannesburg must lay down arms unconditionally as a precedent to any discussions and consideration of grievances."

In March the Uitlanders, hopeless of ever obtaining redress from President Kruger, weary of sending petitions to the Raad only to be jeered at, determined to invoke intervention if nothing else could avail, and forwarded a petition to Queen Victoria.

The persistent attempt of the South African Republic to assert its full independence, culminating in a formal denial of British suzerainty, made it additionally incumbent on Great Britain to carry its point as to the Uitlander grievances, while, from Mr Kruger's point of view, the admission of the Uitlanders to real political rights meant the doom of his oligarchical regime, and appeared in the light of a direct menace to Boer supremacy.

Mr Wolmarans was as emphatic as President Kruger.

The charge of hypocrisy, frequently made against Kruger - if by this charge is meant the mere juggling with religion for purely political ends - does not appear entirely just.

At the same time there were incidents in Kruger's life which but ill conform to any Biblical standard he might choose to adopt or feel imposed upon him.

The raid into the Free State failed; the blackest incident in connexion with it was the attempt of the Pretorius and Kruger party to induce the Basuto to harass the Free State forces behind, while they were attacking them in front.

The Hollander and concessionnaire influence, which had become a strong power in the state, was all in favour of President Kruger.

Meanwhile, and partly through distrust of the Kruger policy, there was growing up in Cape Colony a party of South African Imperialists, or, as they have been called, Afrikander Imperialists, who came to a large extent under the influence of Cecil Rhodes.

Both high commissioner and the imperial government were hopeful that Kruger might even yet be induced to modify his policy; the Uitlanders now entertained no such hope and they prepared to appeal to arms to obtain redress of their grievances.

On his side Kruger put forward inadmissible demands (see Transvaal), and the conference broke up on the 5th of June without any result.

But Mr Hofmeyr's mission, like every other mission to Mr Kruger to induce him to take a reasonable and equitable course, proved entirely fruitless.

Halloween sweaters can be part of a costume such as a Freddy Kruger sweater or something more traditional with pumpkins, goblins, witches or just bright Halloween colors.

The film stars famous Hollywood names such as Nicolas Cage, Diane Kruger, and Jon Voight.

The always elegant Diane Kruger flaunted some serious style savvy backstage at Chanel in Paris.

Roberto Orci and Alex Kurtzman return to script the movie and Ehren Kruger joins them as a new writer.

Kruger has also written ''Arlington Road'', ''The Ring'', ''The Ring Two'', and ''Imposter''.

On the outbreak of the South African War in 1899 Grant was at first disposed to be hostile to the policy of Lord Salisbury and Mr Chamberlain; but his eyes were soon opened to the real nature of President Kruger's government, and he enthusiastically welcomed and supported the national feeling which sent men from the outlying portions of the Empire to assist in upholding British supremacy in South Africa.