Kossuth Sentence Examples

Kossuth continued the agitation by reporting in letter form the debates of the county assemblies, to which he thereby gave a political importance which they had not had when each was ignorant of the proceedings of the others.

Immediately after his release Kossuth married Teresa Meszleny, a Catholic, who during his prison days had shown great interest in him.

Henceforward she strongly urged him on in his political career; and it was the refusal of the Roman priests to bless their union that first prompted Kossuth to take up the defence of mixed marriages.

Kossuth, indeed, was not content with advocating those reforms - the abolition of entail, the abolition of feudal burdens, taxation of the nobles - which were demanded by all the Liberals.

Batthyany, who formed the first responsible ministry, could not refuse to admit Kossuth, but he gave him the ministry of finance, probably because that seemed to open to him fewest prospects of engrossing popularity.

A new paper was started, to which was given the name of Kossuth Hirlapia, so that from the first it was Kossuth rather than the Palatine or the president of the ministry whose name was in the minds of the people associated with the new government.

Twice Kossuth deposed him from the command; twice he had to restore him.

It would have been well if Kossuth had had something more of Gdrgei's calculated ruthlessness, for, as has been truly said, the revolutionary power he had seized could only be held by revolutionary means; but he was by nature soft-hearted and always merciful; though often audacious, he lacked decision in dealing with men.

Immediately after the accession of the Emperor Francis Joseph all the concessions of March had been revoked and Kossuth with his colleagues outlawed.

For the time the future form of government was left undecided, but Kossuth was appointed responsible governor.

Many points in Kossuth's career and character will probably always remain the subject of controversy.

Kossuth succeeded in granting them temporary emancipation, but the suppression of the War of Independence led to an era of royal autocracy which, while it advanced Jewish culture by enforcing the establishment of modern schools, retarded the obtaining of civic and political rights.

Here he became an active member of the committee of national defence, and when obliged to fly the country he joined Kossuth in England and with him made a tour in the United States of America.

Perhaps the most important act of his second term was obtaining the release of Kossuth and other Hungarian refugees who had fled to Turkey, and whose surrender had been demanded by the Austrian government.

The chief exponent of this temper was the Pesti Hirlap, Hungary's first political newspaper, founded in 1841 by Kossuth, whose articles, advocating armed reprisals if necessary, inflamed the extremists but alienated Szechenyi, who openly attacked Kossuth's opinions.

The polemic on both sides was violent; but, as usual, the extreme views prevailed, and on the assembling of the diet of 1843 Kossuth was more popular than ever, while the influence of Szechenyi had sensibly declined.

Kossuth demanded not merely the redress of actual grievances, but a reform which would make grievances impossible in the future.

The moderates, alarmed not so much by the motion itself as by its tone, again tried to intervene; but on the 13th of March the Vienna revolution broke out, and the king, yielding to pressure or panic, appointed Count Louis Batthyany premier of the first Hungarian responsible ministry, which included Kossuth, Szechenyi and Deak.

That the encouragement of the Slav aspirations was soon deliberately adopted as a weapon against the Hungarian government was due, partly to the speedy predominance at Pest of Kossuth and the extreme party of which he was the mouthpiece, but mainly to the calculated policy of Baron Jellachich, who on the 14th of April was appointed ban of Croatia.

In the Hungarian diet, which met on the 2nd of July, the influence of the conservative cabinet was wholly overshadowed by that of Kossuth, whose inflammatory orations - directed against the disruptive designs of the Sla y s and the treachery of the Austrian government - precipitated the crisis.

Kossuth alone was supreme.

Unhappily, however, when Lamberg arrived in Pest, Batthyany had not yet returned; the diet, on Kossuth's motion, called on the army not to obey the new commander-in-chief, on the ground that his commission had not been countersigned by a minister at Pest.

Actually, from this time until the collapse of the rising, Louis Kossuth was the ruler of Hungary.

The news of this manifesto, arriving as it did simultaneously with that of Gdrgei's successes, destroyed the last vestiges of a desire of the Hungarian revolutionists to compromise, and on the 14th of April, on the motion of Kossuth, the diet proclaimed the independence of Hungary, declared the house of Habsburg as false and perjured, for ever excluded from the throne, and elected Kossuth president of the Hungarian Republic. This was an execrable blunder in the circumstances, and the results were fatal to the national cause.

From henceforth the military and civil authorities, as represented by Kossuth and Gdrgei, were hopelessly out of sympathy with each other, and the breach widened till all effective co-operation became impossible.

The Magyars, too, were now more than ever divided among themselves, no plan of campaign had yet been drawn up, no commander-in-chief appointed to replace Gdrgei, whom Kossuth had deposed.

Kossuth and his associates, who had quitted Arad on the 10th of August, took refuge in Turkish territory.

The tragic death of the crown prince Rudolph hushed for a time the strife of tongues, and in the meantime Tisza brought into the ministry Ders6 Szilagyi, the most powerful debater in the House, and Sandor Wekerle, whose solid talents had hitherto been hidden beneath the bushel of an under-secretaryship. But in 1890, during the debates on the Kossuth Repatriation Bill, the attacks on the premier were renewed, and on the 13th of March he placed his resignation in the king's hands.

The ministry was divided on the issue, Count Andrassy opposing and Mr Ferencz Kossuth supporting the proposal for a separate bank.

Kossuth and Justh, on the other hand, competitors for the leadership of the Independence party, declared themselves not prepared to accept anything short of the full rights of the Magyars in those matters.

After a period of wavering Mr Kossuth had consented to shelve for the time the question of the separate bank, and on the strength of this Dr Wekerle advised the crown to entrust to him the formation of a government.

The plan, concerted by Kossuth and Apponyi, with the approval of Baron Aehrenthal, was to carry on a modified coalition government with the aid of the Andrassy Liberals, the National party, the Clerical People's party 2 and the Independence party, on a basis of suffrage reform with plural franchise, the 2 The People's party first emerged during the elections of 1896, when it contested 98 seats.

It was soon clear, however, that in this Kossuth would not carry his party with him.

A trial of strength took place between him and Mr de Justh, the champion of the extreme demands in the matter of Hungarian financial and economic autonomy; on the 7th of November rival banquets were held, one at Mako, Justh's constituency, over which he presided, one at Budapest with Kossuth in the chair; the attendance at each foreshadowed the outcome of the general meeting of the party held at Budapest on the 11th, when Kossuth found himself in a minority of 46.

A majority was thus secured for the Kossuthist programme of compromise, but a majority so obviously precarious that the king-emperor, influenced also - it was rumoured - by the views of the heirapparent, in an interview with Count Andrassy and Mr Kossuth on the 15th, refused to make any concessions to the Magyar national demands.

It was from it that Kossuth issued his famous proclamation (11th August 1849), and it was here that he handed over the supreme military and civil power to G6rgei.

But the queen thoroughly distrusted him, and in October 1851 his proposed reception of Kossuth nearly led to a crisis.

On the 3rd of March, Kossuth, in the diet at Pressburg, delivered the famous speech which was the declaration of war of Hungarian Liberalism against the Austrian system.

The hall of the diet was invaded by a mob of students and workmen, Kossuth's speech was read and its proposals adopted as the popular programme, and the members of the diet were forced to lead a tumultuous procession to the Hofburg, to force the assent of the government to a petition based on the catch-words of the Revolution.

On the 8th of April a separate constitution was promised to Bohemia; and if the petition of the Croats for a similar concession was rejected, this was due to the armed mob of Vienna, which was in close alliance with Kossuth and the Magyars.

The estimates could not be sanctioned, and though Kossuth granted the Szell cabinet a vote on account for the first four months of 1903, the Government found itself at the mercy of the Opposition.

Before taking office KhuenHedervary negotiated with Kossuth and other Opposition leaders, who undertook that obstruction should cease if the Army bills were withdrawn.

Obstruction was continued by a section of the independence party; and Kossuth, seeing his authority ignored, resigned the leadership. The obstructionists now raised the cry that the German words of command i n the joint army must be replaced by Magyar words in the regiments recruited from Hungary - a demand which, apart from its disintegrating influence on the army, the crown considered to be an encroachment upon the royal military prerogatives as defined by the Hungarian Fundamental Law XII.

When Count Khuen-Hedervary took office and Kossuth relinquished the leadership of the independence party, the extension of the crisis could not be foreseen.

The cabinet fell on a motion of censure brought forward by Kossuth, who had profited by the bribery incident to resume the leadership of his party.

These " capitulations " obliged the Coalition government to carry on a dualist policy, although the majority of its adherents became, by the general election of May 1906, members of the Kossuth or Independence party, and, as such, pledged to the economic and political separation of Hungary from Austria save as regards the person of the ruler.

During the deadlock (June 2, 1905) Kossuth had obtained the adoption of a motion to authorize the compilation of an autonomous Hungarian tariff, and on the 28th of May 1906, the Coalition cabinet was authorized by the crown to present the Szell-Korber tariff to the Chamber in the form of a Hungarian autonomous tariff distinct from but identical with the Austrian tariff.

When Kossuth and others sought refuge in Turkey, after the failure of the Hungarian rising in 1849, the sultan was called on by Austria and Russia to surrender them, but boldly and determinedly refused.

He himself escaped to London where he joined the executive of the revolutionary committee of Europe, with Kossuth and Mazzini among his colleagues.

The same year he turned his attention to politics and was regarded as one of the most promising young orators of the day, especially during the sessions of the diet of 1832-1836, when he had the courage to oppose Kossuth.

He at once proceeded to put fresh life into the despondent and irresolute Conservative party, and the Magyar aristocracy, by gallantly combating in the Vilag the opinions of Kossuth's paper, the Pesti Hirlap. But the multiplicity of his labours was too much for his feeble physique, and he died on the 9th of February 1842, at the very time when his talents seemed most indispensable.

He never ceased to urge moderation in those stormy days, holding rather with &StvOs and Batthyany than with Kossuth, and he went more than once to Vienna to endeavour to effect a compromise between the Radicals and the court.

His principles alienated him from the Kossuth faction, which looked for salvation to a second war with Austria, engineered from abroad; but he was equally opposed to the attitude of resignation taken up by the followers of Szechenyi, who, according to Deak, always regarded the world from a purely provincial point of view.

When Kossuth, the Hungarian leader, landed in England, Palmerston proposed to receive him at Broadlands, a design which was only prevented by a peremptory vote of the cabinet; and in 1850 he took advantage of Don Pacifico's very questionable claims on the Hellenic government to organize an attack on the little kingdom of Greece.'

In 1848-1849 it formed a refuge for the national government and legislature when Budapest fell into the hands of the Austrians; and it was in the great Calvinist church that, on Kossuth's motion (April 14th, 1849) the resolution was passed declaring the house of Habsburg to have forfeited the crown of St Stephen.

All this time Szechenyi had been following, with some anxiety, the political course of Kossuth.

But neither this fact nor the gradual loss of his popularity restrained Szechenyi, both in the Diet and at county meetings, from fulminating conscientiously against the extreme demands of Kossuth.

He richly deserved the epithet "the greatest of the Magyars" bestowed upon him by his political antagonist Kossuth.

At the ensuing review at Godollo, Kossuth expressed the sentiments of the whole nation when he doffed his hat as Damjanich's battalions passed by.

Always a fiery democrat, Damjanich uncompromisingly supported the extremist views of Kossuth, and was appointed commander of one of the three divisions which, under GOrgei, entered Vacz in April 1849.

Kossuth's letters were so excellent that they were circulated in MS. among the Liberal magnates, and soon developed into an organized parliamentary gazette (Orszagyulesi tudositasok), of which he was editor.

He at once became the leader of the European revolution; his speech was read aloud in the streets of Vienna to the mob by which Metternich was overthrown (March 13), and when a deputation from the Diet visited Vienna to receive the assent of the emperor to their petition it was Kossuth who received the chief ovation.

Windischgrittz, however, refused all terms, and the Diet and government fled to Debrecszin, Kossuth taking with him the regalia of St Stephen, the sacred Palladium of the Hungarian nation.

The hopes of ultimate success were frustrated by the intervention of Russia; all appeals to the western powers were vain, and on the 11th of August Kossuth abdicated in favour of GOrgei, on the ground that in the last extremity the general alone could save the nation.

How G6rgei used his authority to surrender is well known; the capitulation was indeed inevitable, but a greater man than Kossuth would not have avoided the last duty of conducting the negotiations so as to get the best terms.

With the capitulation of Villagos Kossuth's career was at an end.

First he attempted to hold Vienna against the imperial troops, and, after the capitulation, hastened to Pressburg to offer his services to Kossuth, first defending himself, in a long memorial, from the accusations of treachery to the Polish cause and of aristocratic tendencies which the more fanatical section of the Polish emigrant Radicals repeatedly brought against him.

Joseph Cowen was at that time a strong Radical on domestic questions, an advocate of co-operation, an admirer of Garibaldi, Mazzini and Kossuth, a sympathizer with Irish Nationalism, and one who in speech, dress and manner identified himself with the North-country mining class.

But Lukacs had no choice but to apply in the first instance to Mr Kossuth and his friends, and these, suspecting an intention of crushing their party by entrapping them into unpopular engagements, rejected his overtures.

The Opposition, consisting chiefly of the independence party led by Francis Kossuth (eldest son of Louis Kossuth), made capital out of the grievance and decided to obstruct ministerial measures until the supernumeraries should be discharged.