Israelite Sentence Examples
It sustained frequent sieges during the troubled history of the Israelite kingdom.
The writings are the result of a continued literary process, and the Israelite national history has come down to us through Judaean hands, with the result that much of it has been coloured by late Judaean feeling.
But he conceives of him, on the other hand, as limited locally and morally - as having his special abode in the Jerusalem temple, or elsewhere in the midst of the Israelite people, and as dealing with other nations solely in the interests of Israel.
We do not know how the Egyptians were forced to abandon Jerusalem; but, at the time of the Israelite conquest, it was undoubtedly in the hands of the Jebusites, the native inhabitants of the country.
Other evidence allows us to link together the Kenites, Calebites and Danites in a tradition of some movement into Palestine, evidently quite distinct from the great invasion of Israelite tribes which predominates in the existing records.Advertisement
He was found by Pharaoh's daughter, and his (step-)sister Miriam contrived that he should be nursed by his mother; on growing up he killed an Egyptian who was oppressing an Israelite, and this becoming, known, he sought refuge in flight.
The older records utilized by the Deuteronomic and later compilers indicate some common tradition which has found expression in these varying forms. Different religious standpoints are represented in the biblical writings, and it is now important to observe that the prophecies of Hosea unmistakably show another attitude to the Israelite priesthood.
In Moses (q.v.) was seen the founder of Israel's religion and laws; in Aaron (q.v.) the prototype of the Israelite priesthood.
Meanwhile the Israelite army was again besieging the Philistines at Gibbethon, and the recurrence of these conflicts points to a critical situation in a Danite locality in which Judah itself (although ignored by the writers), must have been vitally concerned.
In the last, we must recognize the Israelite Ahab.Advertisement
If the latter actually occurred, the hostility of the Israelite prophets is only to be expected.
A diversion of this kind may explain the Israelite victories; the subsequent withdrawal of Assyria may have afforded the occasion for retaliation.
It is taken, strangely enough, from an Israelite source, but the tone of the whole is quite dispassionate and objective.
So, on the one hand, the year of the disaster sees the death of the Israelite king, and Amaziah survives for fifteen years, while, on the other, twenty-seven years elapse between the battle and the accession of Uzziah, the next king of Judah.'
It is now known, also, that Ben-hadad and a small coalition were defeated by the king of Hamath; but the bearing of this upon Israelite history is uncertain.Advertisement
Various collections are preserved in the Old Testament; they are attributed to the time of Moses the lawgiver, who stands at the beginning of Israelite national and religious history.
Nevertheless, it implies that religion passed into a new stage through the influence of Moses, and to this we find a relatively less complete analogy in the specific north Israelite traditions of the age of Jehu.
The actual capture of the Israelite capital is claimed by Sargon (722), who removed 27,290 of its inhabitants and fifty chariots.
But the general result of a study of the Decalogue as a whole, in connexion with Israelite political history and religion, strongly supports, in fact demands, a post-Mosaic origin, and modern criticism is chiefly divided only as to the approximate date to which it is to be ascribed.
Palestine had been politically part of Egypt or of the Hittite Empire; we now reach the stage where it becomes more closely identified with Israelite history.Advertisement
The next definite stage is the dynasty of the Israelite Omri, to whom is ascribed the founding of the city of Samaria.
Southern Asia Minor, Phoenicia, Ammon, the Syrian Desert and Israel (under Omri's son " Ahab the Israelite ") sent their troops to support Damascus which, in spite of the repeated efforts of tendency to identify them - was perhaps known in Palestine, as it certainly was in Egypt and among the Hittites.
The pentateuchal legislation as a whole is placed at the very beginning of Israelite national history.
The biblical history is a " canonical " history which looks back to the patriarchs, the exodus from Egypt, the law-giving and the covenant with Yahweh at Sinai, the conquest of Palestine by the Israelite tribes, the monarchy, the rival kingdoms, the fall and exile of the northern tribes, and, later, of the southern (Judah), and the reconstructions of Judah in the times of Cyrus, Darius and Artaxerxes.
During the changes from the 8th century onwards a nonmonarchical constitution naturally prevailed, first in the north and then in the south, and while in the north the mingled peoples of Samaria came to regard themselves as Israelite, the southern portion, the tribe of Judah, proves in I Chron.Advertisement
Its standpoint, too, varies, the phases being now northern or wider Israelite, now half -Edomite or Judaean, and now anti-Samarian.
For Mrs Minor, having an interest in the Jewish people, was befriended by Sir Moses Montefiore; after her death her property was placed in charge of a Jew, and later passed into the hands of the Alliance Israelite Universelle.
It is evident that there was more than one period in Israelite history in which one or other of these stories of local heroes would be equally suitable.
It is possible that some of its Israelite population had followed the example of Dan and moved from an earlier home in the south.
Not only is Edom as a nation recognized as older than Israel, but a list of eight kings, who reigned before the Israelite monarchy, is preserved in Gen.
The tradition thus finds an analogy in the Israelite "judges" before the time of Saul and David.
Consequently it is uncertain whether Edom was the vassal of the next great Israelite king Jeroboam II., or whether the Assyrian evidence for its independent position belongs to this later time.
The late references to this tribe in the Israelite wanderings in the wilderness are of little value.
The Alliance Israelite has opened a school in Teheran.
Consequently, it is at once a product of, and a main factor in civilization; and is thereby sharply differentiated from the Israelite religion, with whose moral precepts it otherwise coincides so frequently.
Thus, even though it arose from national views, in its esseiice it is not national (as, for instance, the Israelite creed), but individualistic, and at the same time universal.
Egypt was of interest only as it came into Israelite history, Babylon and Nineveh were to illustrate the judgments of Yahweh, Tyre and Sidon to reflect the glory of Solomon.
Dan, he declares, sooner than join in Jeroboam's scheme of an Israelite war against Judah, had migrated to Cush, and finally, with the help of Naphthali, Asher and Gad, had founded an independent Jewish kingdom in the Gold Land of Havila, beyond Abyssinia.
At one time he took it into his head that all persons of Israelite blood would be saved, and tried to make out that he partook of that blood; but his hopes were speedily destroyed by his father, who seems to have had no ambition to be regarded as a Jew.
When it once more came into Israelite hands is uncertain; it is generally supposed that its reconquest was due to John Hyrcanus.
Moreover, D regarded religion as of the utmost moment to each individual Israelite; and it is certainly not by accident that the declaration of the individual's duty towards God immediately follows the emphatic intimation to Israel of Yahweh's unity.
It is, however, the proper sequel to the origins of the people as related in Genesis, to the exodus of the Israelite tribes from Egypt, and their journeyings in the wilderness.
A similar conquest of the northern Canaanites follows (xi.), and the first part of the book concludes with a summary of the results of the Israelite invasion (xii.).
The value of the book of Joshua is primarily religious; its fervency, its conviction of the destiny of Israel and its inculcation of the unity and greatness of the God of Israel give expression to the philosophy of Israelite historians.
From a careful consideration of all the evidence, both internal and external, biblical scholars are now almost unanimous that the more finished picture of the Israelite invasion and settlement cannot be accepted as a historical record for the age.
The serious character of the problems of early Israelite history can be perceived from the renewed endeavours to present an adequate outline of the course of events; for a criticism of the most prominent hypotheses see Cheyne, Ency.
But points of resemblance between Joshua the invader and Saul the founder of the (north) Israelite monarchy gain in weight when the traditions of both recognize the inclusion or possession of Judah, and thus stand upon quite another plane as compared with those of David the founder of the Judaean dynasty.
The old traditions of conquest in central Palestine have similarly been extended, and have been adapted to the now familiar view of Israelite origins.
Israelite monarchy does not necessarily point to the priority of the traditions in Genesis or their later date.
The Benjamite Bethel was especially famous in Israelite religious history.
But the mixed elements were ultimately reckoned among the descendants of Judah, through Hezron the "father" of Caleb and Jerahmeel, and just as the southern groups finally became incorporated in Israel, so it is to be observed that although Hebron and Abraham have gained the first place in the patriarchal history, the traditions are no longer specifically Calebite, but are part of the common Israelite heritage.
The movement from the south, which seems to account for a considerable cycle of the patriarchal traditions, belongs to the age after the downfall of the Israelite and(later)the Judaean monarchies when there were vital political and social changes.
The persistent emphasis upon such features as the rejection of Saul, his enmity towards David, the latter's chivalry, and his friendship for Jonathan, will partly account for the present literary intricacies; and, on general grounds, traditions of quite distinct origin (Calebite or Jerahmeelite; indigenous Judaean; North Israelite or Benjamite) are to be expected in a work now in post-exilic form.'
While the detailed history of Israelite kings and prophets in I Kings xvii.-2 Kings x.
However this may be, it is evident that the Israelite possession of Syria did not last long.
The details of Israelite kings will have been taken by the Persian authors of the scriptures from Assyrian annals.
Each of the Israelite men would have had to have had a harem of wives for this to have been true.
Understanding the dynamics of the performance is also integral to developing poetics culturally relevant to ancient Israelite traditions.
It was the city of palm trees of the ancient record of the Israelite invasion preserved in part in Judg.
Resuming the Talmudic idea of an Over-soul present in every Israelite on the Sabbath, Luria and his school made play with this Over-soul, fed it with spiritual and material dainties and evolved an intricate maze of mystic ceremonial, still observed by countless masses.
Many of the Mosaic laws find parallels and analogies in all ages outside the sphere of Israelite influence, notably in the laws codified several centuries previously by the Babylonian king Khammurabi (see Babylonian LAw).
In other words, the ordinary Israelite worshipper of Yahweh was at this time far removed from monotheism, and still remained in the preliminary stage of henotheism, which regarded Yahweh as sole god of Israel and Israel's land, but at the same time recognized the existence and power of the deities of other lands and peoples.
Winckler, whose works depart from the somewhat narrow limits of purely " Israelite " histories, emphasize the necessity of observing the characteristics of Oriental thought and policy, and are invaluable for discriminating students.
The favourite name " Israel " with all its religious and national associations is somewhat ambiguous in an historical sketch, since, although it is used as opposed to Judah (a), it ultimately came to designate the true nucleus of the worshippers of the national god Yahweh as opposed to the Samaritans, the later inhabitants of Israelite territory (c).
Stories of successful warfare and of temporary leaders (see Abimelech; Ehud; Gideon; Jephthah) form an introduction to the institution of the Israelite monarchy, an epoch of supreme importance in biblical history.
Finally, the consciousness that the people as a religious body owed everything to the desert clans (b) (see § 5) subsequently leaves its mark upon (north) Israelite history (§ 14), but has not the profound significance which it has in the records of Judah and Jerusalem.
The striking differences between Samuel and Kings are due to differences in the writing of the history; independent Israelite records having been incorporated with those of Judah and supplemented (with revision) from the Judaean standpoint (see Chronicles; Kings; Samuel).
The independent Israelite traditions which here become more numerous have points work of the prophets, and sometimes purely political records appear to have been used for the purpose (see ELIJA1-1; Elisha).
It is naturally uncertain how far the traditions of David can be utilized; but they illustrate Judaean situations when they depict intrigues with Israelite officials, vassalage under Philistia, and friendly relations with Moab, or when they suggest how enmity between Israel and Ammon could be turned to useful account.
The course of the dynasty of Jehu - the reforms, the disastrous Aramaean wars, and, at length, Yahweh's " arrow of victory " - constituted an epoch in the Israelite history, and it is regarded as such.3 The problem of the history of Yahwism depends essentially upon the view adopted as to the date and origin of the biblical details and their validity for the various historical and religious conditions they presuppose.
In the domestic circles of prophetic communities the part played by their great heads in history did not suffer in the telling, and it is probable that some part at least of the extant history of the Israelite kingdom passed through the hands of men whose interest lay in the pre-eminence of their seers and their beneficent deeds on behalf of these small communities.
The usual tendency has been to regard it in the light of the criticism of early Israelite history, which demands some reconstruction (§ 8), and to discern distinct tribal movements previous to the union of Judah and Israel under David.
In France the Alliance Israelite (founded in 1860), in England the Anglo-Jewish Association (founded in 1871), in Germany the Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden, and in Austria the Israelitische Allianz zu Wien (founded 1872),in America the American Jewish Committee (founded 1906), and similar organizations in other countries deal only incidentally with political affairs.
The English versions often render the word by stranger; " but though distinguished from the home-born 'ezrah (=one rising from the soil), the person denominated ger became the equal of the native Israelite, and, when the meaning of ger passed from a mainly civil to a religious connotation, enjoyed many rights.
He gave the principal prayer, consisting of eighteen benedictions, its final revision, and declared it every Israelite's duty to recite it three times daily.
The context speaks of places in or near Canaan; and it is possible that the reference is to Israelite clans who either had not gone down into Egypt at all, or had already found their way back to Palestine.
In this case the object of Jehoram's march round the south of the Dead Sea was to drive a wedge between them, and the result hints at an Israelite disaster.
Indeed, since the Samaritans subsequently accepted the Pentateuch, and claimed to inherit the ancestral traditions of the Israelite tribes, it is of no little value in the study of Palestinian history to observe the manner in which this people of singularly mixed origin so thoroughly assimilated itself to the land and at first was virtually a Jewish sect.
The view formerly maintained by the present writer (Laws of Moses and Code of Hammurabi, 1903, pp. 204 sqq., 279 seq., &c.) relied upon the difference between the exilic or post-exilic sources which unambiguously reflect Babylonian and related ideas, and the absence in other biblical sources of the features which an earlier comprehensive Babylonian influence would have produced, and it incorrectly assumed that the explanation might be found in the ordinary reconstructions of Israelite history.
Amongst the more important buildings for ecclesiastical and philanthropic purposes erected to the north of the city since 1860 are the Russian cathedral, hospice and hospital; the French hospital of St Louis, and hospice and church of St Augustine; the German schools, orphanages and hospitals; the new hospital and industrial school of the London mission to the Jews; the Abyssinian church; the church and schools of the Church missionary society; the Anglican church, college and bishop's house; the Dominican monastery, seminary and church of St Stephen; the Rothschild hospital and girls' school; and the industrial school and workshops of the Alliance Israelite.
In this form the seventh day's rest was one of the few outward ordinances by which the Israelite could still show his fidelity to Yahweh and mark his separation from the heathen.
It is therefore certain that belief in demons and magic spells prevailed in pre-Mosaic times' among the Israelite clans.
Moses was the first historic individuality who can be said to have welded the Israelite clans into a whole.
Many attempts have been made to present a satisfactory sketch of the early history and to do justice to (a) the patriarchal narratives, (b) the exodus from Egypt and the Israelite invasion, and (c) the rise of the monarchy.
Without sufficient external and independent evidence wherewith to interpret in the light of history the internal features of the intricate narratives, any reconstruction would naturally be hazardous, and all attempts must invariably be considered in the light of the biblical evidence itself, the date of the Israelite exodus, and the external conditions.
Yahwism presents itself under a variety of aspects, and the history of Israel's relations to the God Yahweh (whose name is not necessarily of Israelite origin) can hardly be disentangled amid the complicated threads of the earlier history.
The view that the seeds of Yahwism were planted in the young Israelite nation in the days of the " exodus " conflicts with the belief that the worship of Yahweh began in the pre-Mosaic age.
The perplexing relation between the admittedly late compilations and the actual course of the early history becomes still more intricate when one observes such a feature as the late interest in the Israelite tribes.
This is especially true of the history of the exilic and post-exilic periods, where the effort is made to preserve the continuity of Israel and the Israelite community (Chronicles - Ezra - Nehemiah).
This has far-reaching consequences for the traditional attitude to Israelite history and religion.
The following approximate figures are taken from the American Jewish Year-Book for1909-1910and are based on similar estimates in the English Jewish Year-Book, the Jewish Encyclopedia, Nossig's Jiidische Statistik and the Reports of the Alliance Israelite Universelle.
A somewhat wild Bedouin disposition, fostered by their surroundings, was retained by the Israelite in habitants of Gilead to a late period of their history, and seems to be to some extent discernible in what we read alike of Jephthah, of David's Gadites, and of the prophet Elijah.
There is strong evidence at all events that many of the conceptions are contrary to historical fact, and the points of similarity between native Canaanite cult and Israelite worship are so striking that only the persistent traditions of Israel's origin and of the work of Moses compel the conclusion that the germs of specific Yahweh worship existed from his day.
Very interesting examples of Israelite written inscriptions on potsherds, dating from the 9th century B.C. and probably from the reign of Ahab, were found that are of great palaeographical importance.
It divides itself naturally, by its contents, into two parts, in one of which the theme is righteousness and wisdom, in the other the early fortunes of the Israelite people considered as a righteous nation beloved by God.
From this point, however, nothing is said of wisdom - the rest of the book is a philosophical and imaginative narrative of Israelite affairs from the Egyptian oppression to the.
No tangible traces of Og and his people, or even of their Israelite supplanters, have yet been found.
A school for boys was established by the Alliance Israelite in 1865, and one for girls in 1899.
It is assumed that the former arose during the pastoral period of Israelite history before or during the stay in Egypt, while the latter was adopted from the Canaanites after the settlement in Palestine.
A critical examination of the history of the Israelite ark renders it far from certain that the object was originally the peculiar possession of all Israel.
From this point (c. 1150 B.C.) - the point at which (roughly) the monarchic history of Israel in Palestine opens - Egyptian records cease to mention Kheta; and as we know from other sources that the latter continued powerful in Carchemish for some centuries to come, we must presume that the rise of the Israelite state interposed an effective political barrier.
It appears, therefore, that in the tradition followed by the Israelite historian the tribes within whose pasture lands the mountain of God stood were worshippers of Yahweh before the time of Moses; and the surmise that the name Yahweh belongs to their speech, rather than to that of Israel, has considerable probability.
From some of these peoples and at one of these holy places, a group of Israelite tribes adopted the religion of Yahweh, the God who, by the hand of Moses, had delivered them from Egypt.2 The tribes of this region probably belonged to some branch of the great Arab stock, and the name Yahweh has, accordingly, been connected with the Arabic hawa, " the void " (between heaven and earth), " the atmosphere," or with the verb hawa, cognate with Heb.
In a tablet attributed to the 14th century B.C. which Sellin found in the course of his excavations at Tell Ta'annuk (the Taanach of the O.T.) a name occurs which may be read Ahi-Yawi (equivalent to Hebrew Ahijah); 6 if the reading be correct, this would show that Yahweh was worshipped in Central Palestine before the Israelite conquest.
Balak, king of Moab, alarmed at the Israelite conquests, sends elders of Moab and Midian to Balaam, son of Beor, to the land of Ammon, to induce him to come and curse Israel.
Probably the original tradition goes back to a time when Yahweh was recognized as a deity of a circle of connected tribes of which the Israelite tribes formed a part.
He was president of the Universal Israelite Alliance, and while in the government of the national dofence he secured the franchise for the Jews in Algeria.
Near the city is a communistic religious community, the Israelite House of David, founded in 1903; the members believe that they are a part of the 144,000 elect (Revelation, viii, xiv) ultimately to be redeemed.
It is impossible not to be struck with the growing development of the Israelite tribes after the invasion of Palestine, their strong position under David, the sudden expansion of the Hebrew monarchy under Solomon, and the subsequent slow decay, and this, indeed, is the picture as it presented itself 'to the last writers who found in the glories of the past both consolation for the present and grounds for future hopes.
Yahweh was Israel's only god, who tolerated no other god beside Himself, and who claimed to be the sole object of the Israelite's reverence.
It is now recognized that the compiler of the former has used many novel narratives of a particular edifying and didactic stamp, and scholars are practically unanimous that these are subsequent to the age of the Israelite monarchy and present a picture of historical and religious conditions which (to judge from earlier sources) is untrustworthy.
The Pharaoh is hostile, and Yahweh, the Israelite deity, is moved to send a deliverer; on the events that followed see Exodus, Book Of; Moses.
On the other hand, it has been suggested that when Jacob and his family entered Egypt, some Israelite tribes had remained behind and that it is to these that Mineptah's inscription refers.
Although the information which has been brought to bear upon Egyptian life and customs substantiates the general accuracy of the local colouring in some of the biblical narratives, the latter contain several inherent improbabilities, and whatever future research may yield, no definite trace of Egyptian influence has so far been found in Israelite institutions.
In the absence of external evidence the study of the Exodus of the Israelites must be based upon the Israelite records, and divergent or contradictory views must be carefully noticed.
Among the Joseph-tribes (Ephraim and Manasseh), the most important of Israelite divisions, the traditions of an ancestor who had lived and died in Egypt would be a cherished possession, but although most writers agree that not all the tribes were in Egypt, it is impossible to determine their number with any certainty.
It never passed for long into Israelite hands, though subject for a while to Hezekiah of Judah; from him it passed to Assyria.
The later derivative Yisra'eli, Israelite, from Yisra'el, is not found in the Old Testament.
In 1870 they were reorganized under the central authority of the Netherlands Israelite Church, and divided into head and " ring " synagogues and associated churches.
Jephthah, one of the Israelite "judges," delivered Gilead from Ammon, who resumed the attack under its king Nahash, only to be repulsed by Saul.
Here Ahabbu Sir'lai (Ahab the Israelite) with Baasha, son of Rulhub (Rehob) of Ammon and nine others are allied with Bir-'idri (Ben-hadad), Ahab's contribution being reckoned at 2000 chariots and 10,000 men.
Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities, p. 67; Golenischeff in Recueil de travaux, xv.
Israelite historians viewed these events as a great religious revolution inspired by Elijah and initiated by Elisha, as the overthrow of the worship of Baal, and as a retribution for the cruel murder of Naboth the Jezreelite (see Jezebel).
Through the Israelite prophets it passed to Jesus and to Christianity, to Islam and then more recently to Western historicism and political utopianism.
There are external historical circumstances and internal literary features which unite to show that the application of the literary hypotheses of the Old Testament to the course of Israelite history is still incomplete, and they warn us that the intrinsic value of religious and didactic writings should not depend upon the accuracy of their history.'