Gladstone Sentence Examples

In 1818 or 1819 Mrs Gladstone, who belonged to the Evangelical school, said in a letter to a friend, that she believed her son William had been " truly converted to God."

At his suggestion the duke invited Gladstone to stand for Newark in the Tory interest against Mr Serjeant Wilde, afterwards Lord Chancellor Truro.

In 1877 he was appointed by Lord Beaconsfield ambassador at Constantinople, where he remained until Gladstone's return to power in 1880, when he finally retired from public life.

Thomas Gladstone (for so the name was modified), became a corn-merchant at Leith.

Beginning his commercial career as a clerk in his patron's house, John Gladstone lived to become one of the merchant-princes of Liverpool, a baronet and a member of parliament.

On the first night of the debate Lord Howick, afterwards Lord Grey, who had been undersecretary for the Colonies, and who opposed the resolutions as proceeding too gradually towards abolition, cited certain occurrences on Sir John Gladstone's plantation in Demerara to illustrate his contention that the system of slave-labour in the West Indies was attended by great mortality among the slaves.

The year 1838 claims special note in a record of Gladstone's life, because it witnessed the appearance of his famous work on The State in its Relations with the Church.

The movement counted no more enthusiastic or more valuable disciple than Gladstone.

An inevitable change is from this time to be traced in the topics of Gladstone's parliamentary speaking.

Gladstone resigned office, in order, as he announced in the debate on the address, to form " not only an honest, but likewise an independent and an unsuspected judgment," on the plan to be submitted by the government with respect to Maynooth.

Lord Stanley refused to re-enter the government, and his place as secretary of state for the colonies was offered to and accepted by Gladstone.

Lord John Russell became prime minister, and Gladstone retired for a season into private life.

Early in 1847 it was announced that one of the two members for the university of Oxford intended to retire at the general election, and Gladstone was proposed for the vacant seat.

The representation of the university had been pronounced by Canning to be the most coveted prize of public life, and Gladstone himself confessed that he " desired it with an almost passionate fondness."

The nomination at Oxford took place on the 29th of July, and at the close of the poll Sir Robert Inglis stood at the head, with Gladstone as his colleague.

The three years 1847, 1848, 1849 were for Gladstone a period of mental growth, of transition, of development.

In reply to a question in the House of Commons, Lord Palmerston accepted and adopted Gladstone's statement, expressed keen sympathy with the cause which he had espoused, and sent a copy of his letter to the queen's representative at every court of Europe.

Yet, great as had been the services of the tax at a time of national danger, Gladstone could not consent to retain it as a part of the permanent and ordinary finances of the country.

Looking back on a long life of strenuous exertion, Gladstone declared that the work of preparing his proposals about the succession-duty and carrying them through Parliament was by far the most laborious task which he ever performed.

Gladstone declared that the state of the army in the Crimea was a " matter for weeping all day and praying all night."

Gladstone, in defending the government against Roebuck, rebuked in dignified and significant terms the conduct of men who, " hoping to escape from punishment, ran away from duty."

The Peelites joined him, and Gladstone resumed office as chancellor of the exchequer.

Lord Palmerston soon saw that further resistance was useless; his Peelite colleagues stuck to their text, and, within three weeks after resuming office, Gladstone, Sir James Graham and Mr Sidney Herbert resigned.

Gladstone once said of himself and his Peelite colleagues, during the period of political isolation, that they were like roving icebergs on which men could not land with safety, but with which ships might come into perilous collision.

In 1858 Lord Palmerston was succeeded by Lord Derby at the head of a Conservative administration, and Gladstone accepted the temporary office of high commissioner extraordinary to the Ionian Islands.

They were defeated on the second reading of the bill, Gladstone voting with them.

A dissolution immediately followed, and Gladstone was again returned unopposed for the university of Oxford.

In the critical division which ensued Gladstone voted with the government, who were left in a minority.

Lord Palmerston became prime minister, and asked Gladstone to join him as chancellor of the exchequer.

But Gladstone risked the reproach, accepted the office and had a sharp tussle for his seat.

There was some talk of inducing d J Y Th f i $ g Glad stone to join the Tory government, and on the 29th of November Lord Malmesbury dubiously remarked, " I cannot make out Gladstone, who seems to me a dark horse."

In defending his proposals Mr Disraeli gave full scope to his most characteristic gifts; he pelted his opponents right and left with sarcasms, taunts and epigrams. Gladstone delivered an unpremeditated reply, which has ever since been celebrated.

Lord Aberdeen became prime minister, and Gladstone chancellor of the exchequer.

He was succeeded by Lord Russell, and Gladstone, retaining the chancellorship of the exchequer, became for the first time leader of the House of Commons.

At Christmas 1867 Lord Russell announced his final retirement from active politics, and Gladstone was recognized by acclamation as leader of the Liberal party.

Gladstone seized the opportunity to give effect to convictions which had long been forming in his mind.

Gladstone, who had been doubly nominated, was defeated in Lancashire, but was returned for Greenwich.

On the following day Gladstone was summoned to Windsor, and commanded by the queen to form an administration.

The queen wrote to Archbishop Tait that the subject of the Irish Church " made her very anxious," but that Mr Gladstone " showed the most conciliatory disposition."

In the session of 1870 Gladstone's principal work was the Irish Land Act, of which the object was to protect the tenant against eviction as long as he paid his rent, and to secure to him the value of any improvements which his own industry had made.

Gladstone found that purchase existed only by royal sanction, and advised the queen to issue a royal warrant cancelling, on and after the 1st of November following, all regulations authorizing the purchase of commissions.

In 1873 Gladstone set his hand to the third of three great Irish reforms to which he had pledged himself.

The bill was thrown out by three votes, and Gladstone resigned.

The queen sent for Disraeli, who declined to take office in a minority of the House of Commons, so Gladstone was compelled to resume.

When the session of 1873 had come to an end Gladstone took the chancellorship of the exchequer, and, as high authorities contended, vacated his seat by doing so.

The point was obviously one of vital importance; and we learn from Lord Selborne, who was lord chancellor at the time, that Gladstone " was sensible of the difficulty of either taking his seat in the usual manner at the opening of the session, or letting.

On the 23rd of January 1874 Gladstone announced the dissolution in an address to his constituents, declaring that the authority of the government had o f187atioa g y g of 1874.

Gladstone kept his seat for Greenwich, but was only second on the poll.

Gladstone justly regarded the refusal to remit a duty as being in effect an act of taxation, and Budget th e refore as an infringement of the rights of the House of'1860.

During Lord Palmerston's last administration, which lasted from 1859 to 1865, Gladstone was by far the most brilliant and most conspicuous figure in the cabinet.

But just in proportion as Gladstone advanced in favour with the Radical party he lost the confidence of his own constituents.

Gladstone at once turned his steps towards South Lancashire, where he.

This was read a second time without a division, but in committee Gladstone enjoyed some signal triumphs over his late solicitor-general, Sir William Harcourt, who had warmly espoused the cause of the government and the bill.

At the beginning of 1875 Gladstone carried into effect the resolution which he had announced a year before, and formally resigned the leadership of the Liberal party.

The learned leisure which Gladstone had promised himself when released from official responsibility was not of long duration.

Public indignation was aroused by what were known as the "Bulgarian atrocities," and Gladstone flung himself into the agitation against Turkey with characteristic zeal.

Lord Hartington soon found himself pushed aside from his position of titular leadership. For four years, from 1876 to 1880, Gladstone maintained the strife with a courage, a persistence and a versatility which raised the enthusiasm of his followers to the highest pitch.

Gladstone was now member for Midlothian, having retired from Greenwich at the dissolution.

When Lord Beaconsfield resigned, the queen sent for Lord Hartington, the titular leader of the Liberals, but he and Lord Granville assured her that no other chief than Gladstone would satisfy the party.

Gladstone alienated considerable masses of English opinion by his efforts to reform the tenure of Irish land, and provoked the Irish people by his attempts to establish social order and to repress crime.

Gladstone resigned.

Gladstone had for some time been convinced of the expediency of conceding Home Rule to Ireland in the event of the Irish constituencies giving unequivocal proof that they desired it.

On the r7th of December an anonymous paragraph was published, stating that if Mr Gladstone returned to office he was prepared to " deal in a liberal spirit with the demand for Home Rule."

It was clear that if Gladstone meant what he appeared to mean, the Parnellites would support him, and the Tories must leave office.

On the 8th of April Gladstone brought in his bill for establishing Home Rule, and eight days later the bill for buying out the Irish landlords.

Gladstone was implored to withdraw them, or substitute a resolution in favour of Irish autonomy; but he resolved to press at least the Home Rule Bill to a second reading.

Gladstone immediately advised the queen to dissolve parliament.

Her Majesty strongly demurred to a second general election within seven months; but Gladstone persisted, and she yielded.

In spite of Gladstone's skilful appeal to the constituencies to sanction the principle of Home Rule, as distinct from the practical provisions of his late bill, the general election resulted in a majority of considerably over loo against his policy, and Lord Salisbury resumed office.

Throughout the existence of the new parliament Gladstone never relaxed his extraordinary efforts, though now nearer eighty than seventy, on behalf of the cause of self-government for Ireland.

On the 25th of July 1889 Gladstone celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of his marriage, and on the 4th of July 1891 his eldest son, William Henry, a man of fine character and accomplishments, died, after a lingering illness, in his fifty-second year.

The crowning struggle of Gladstone's political career was now approaching its climax.

Lord Salisbury resigned, and on the 15th of August 1892 Gladstone kissed hands as first lord of the treasury.

Gladstone brought in his new Home Rule Bill on the 13th of February.

Gladstone's political work was now, in his own judgment, ended.

Since his retirement from office Gladstone's physical vigour, up to that time unequalled, had shown signs of impairment.

The body was buried in the north transept of the abbey, where, on the 19th of June 1900, Mrs Gladstone's body was laid beside it.

Mr and Mrs Gladstone had four sons and four daughters, of whom one died in infancy.

After a careful survey of Mr Gladstone's life, enlightened by personal observation, it is inevitable to attempt some analysis.

Great as were his eloquence, his knowledge and his financial skill, Gladstone was accustomed to say of himself that the only quality in which, so far as he knew, he was distinguished from his fellow-men was his faculty of concentration.

In his prime Gladstone was just six feet high, but his inches diminished as his years increased, and in old age the unusual size of his head and breadth of his shoulders gave him a slightly top-heavy appearance.

Lord Morley of Blackburn's Life of Gladstone was published in 1903.

He matriculated at Balliol College, Oxford, in 1827, and soon made his mark as a debater at the Union, where Gladstone succeeded him as president in 1830.

Newman's secession in 1845 placed Manning in a position of greater responsibility, as one of the High Church leaders, along with Pusey and Keble and Marriott; but it was with Gladstone and James Hope (afterwards Hope-Scott) that he was at this time most closely associated.

In 1875 he published a reply to Gladstone's attack on the Vatican decrees; and on the 15th of March in that year he was created cardinal, with the title of SS.

In politics Temple was a follower of Mr Gladstone, and he approved of the disestablishment of the Irish Church.

In 1869 Mr Gladstone offered him the deanery of Durham, but this he declined on the ground of his strong interest in Rugby.

But Gladstone stood firm, and Temple was duly consecrated on the 21st of December 1869.

Gladstone, a woman of much character and ability, who died in 1911, leaving two sons and three daughters.

In 1856 and 1857 he published two letters to Mr Gladstone on Italian affairs, which created a sensation, while he continued to propagate his views in the Italian press.

Several letters from Farini to Mr Gladstone and Lord John Russell were reprinted in a Memoire sur les affaires d'Italie (1859), and a collection of his political correspondence was published under the title of Lettres sur les affaires d'Italie (Paris, 1860).

His historical work was translated into English in part by Mr Gladstone and in part under his superintendence.

The German acquisitions were resented by Zanzibar, but were acquiesced in by the British government (the second Gladstone administration).

A somewhat different conception of the sovereign's functions was that of Disraeli's great rival, Gladstone, who, though his respect for the person and office of the sovereign was unbounded, not only expected all people, the queen included, to agree with him when he changed his mind, but to become suddenly enthusiastic about his new ideas.

The queen was privately opposed to Gladstone's Home Rule policy; but she observed in public a constitutional reticence on the subject.

Smith on the 2nd of July, expressing, on the one hand, the queen's desire to provide for Prince Albert Victor of Wales, and, Mr Smith, seconded by Gladstone, a select committee was appointed to consider these messages and to to report to the house as to the existing practice and as to the principles to be adopted for the future.

The of Wales's ' 'c i evidence laid before the committee explained to the country for the first time the actual state of the royal income, and on the proposal of Gladstone, amending the proposal of the government, it was proposed to grant a fixed addition of £36,000 per annum to the prince of Wales, out of which he should be expected to provide for his children without further application to the country.

In 1855 he supported Gladstone in the efforts to bring about peace with Russia before the capture of Sebastopol; in 1856 he opposed the opening of museums on Sunday; in the following year he supported Cobden in his disapproval of the second opium war with China.

In April of that year Gladstone proposed his resolutions with reference to the Irish Church on which the bill for its disestablishment was subsequently based.

At the election of November 1868 Palmer was again returned for Richmond, and Gladstone offered him the office of lord chancellor or the office of a lord justice with a peerage; both offers were declined by Palmer, and he assumed a position of independent opposition to the measure relative to the Irish Church.

In 1870 he gave a qualified support to Gladstone's first Irish Land Act, and in the same year he supported Forster's Education Act.

In September 1872 Gladstone again offered him the great seal, which Lord Hatherley had resigned; in the same year he took up his residence in his newly erected house at Blackmoor, in the parish of Selborne, in the county of Hampshire, from which he took his new title as a peer.

The year 1885 was marked in Lord Selborne's life by the death of his wife, and by his final separation from the party of which Gladstone was the acknowledged leader.

In addressing the electors of Midlothian in September 1885, Gladstone had suggested the severance of the Church of England from the state as a subject on which the foundation of discussion had already been laid, and he averred the existence of "a current almost throughout the civilized world, slowly setting in the direction of disestablishment."

This stirring of the question deeply moved Lord Selborne, who was strongly opposed alike to disestablishment and disendowment, and in the following year, 1886, he published a work entitled A Defence of the Church of England against Disestablishment, with an introductory letter addressed to Gladstone.

In the introductory letter he criticized Gladstone's pronouncement on the subject, and especially examined the allegation of a general tendency towards disestablishment in the civilized world at large, and arrived at a negative conclusion.

But Lord Selborne did not carry on his opposition to Gladstone's proposals only in his library or by his pen; in the year1886-1887he travelled to many parts of the country, and addressed meetings in defence of the union between the Church and state and against Home Rule; and in September 1893, in his eighty-first year, he addressed a powerful speech to the House of Lords in opposition to the Home Rule Bill.

He was deeply interested in politics, was a follower of Mr Gladstone, and approved the Home Rule Bill of 1886, but objected to the later proposal to retain the Irish members at Westminster.

The four acts of 1842, 1846, 1853, 1860 - the first two In under Peel's leadership, the second two under Gladstone's guidance - thus carried out gradually the policy of free trade in regard to other articles than grain.

In 1842 he entered into correspondence with the leaders of the Tractarian movement in England, and some interesting letters have been preserved which were exchanged between him and Pusey, Gladstone and Hope Scott.

In 1873 Dr Murray published a Manual of Mythology, and in the following year contributed to the Contemporary Review two articles - one on the Homeric question - which led to a friendship with Mr Gladstone, the other on Greek painters.

After Mr Gladstone's brief Home Rule Ministry in 1886 he entered Lord Salisbury's next Cabinet again as Irish secretary, making way for Lord Randolph Churchill as leader of the House; but troubles with his eyesight compelled him to resign in 1887, and meanwhile Mr Goschen replaced Lord Randolph as chancellor of the exchequer.

On the formation of the Gladstone administration in December 1868, Lord Ripon was appointed lord president of the council, and held that office until within a few months of the fall of the government in 1873, when he resigned on purely private grounds.

On the return of Gladstone to power in 1880 Lord Ripon was appointed viceroy of India, the appointment exciting a storm of controversy, the marquess being the first Roman Catholic to hold the viceregal office.

In 1886 he became first lord of the admiralty in the third Gladstone ministry; and on the return of the Liberals to power in 1892 he was appointed colonial secretary, which post he continued to hold until the resignation of the government in 1895.

Among the "identificationists" there are two schools, one placing the town at Polis on the west coast in the northern half of the island (Leake, Gladstone, &c.), and the other at Aeto on the isthmus.

Gladstone, 2 at an early period of spectroscopy, examined the absorption spectra of the solution of salts, each constituent of which was coloured.

Soret has confirmed, for the ultra-violet rays, Dr Gladstone's conclusions with regard to the identity of the absorption spectra of different chromates.

Impressive in matter rather than in manner of delivery, and seldom rising to the level of eloquence in the sense in which that quality was understood in a House which had listened to Bright and Gladstone, his speeches were logical and convincing, and their attractive literary form delighted a wider audience than that which listens to the mere politician.

As a public speaker he had an inborn Irish readiness and vehemence of expression; and, though a thorough Liberal, he split from Mr Gladstone on Irish home rule, and took an active part in politics in opposing it.

Childers occupied a succession of prominent posts in the various Gladstone ministries.

Defeated at the general election at Pontefract, he was returned as a Home Ruler (one of the few Liberals who adopted this policy before Mr Gladstone's conversion) in 1886 for South Edinburgh, and was home secretary in the ministry of 1886.

These were intended as a substitute for the paid canvassers, about to be abolished by Mr Gladstone's Reform Bill.

He had been all over England and Scotland addressing vast meetings and, as a rule, carrying them with him; he had taken a leading part in a conference held by the Anti-Corn Law League in London, had led deputations to the duke of Sussex, to Sir James Graham, then home secretary, and to Lord Ripon and Mr Gladstone, the secretary and under secretary of the Board of Trade; and he was universally recognized as the chief orator of the Free Trade movement.

Mr Gladstone came into power with a programme of Irish reform in church and land such as Bright had long urged, and he accepted the post of president of the Board of Trade.

In August 1873 Mr Gladstone reconstructed his cabinet, and Bright returned to it as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster.

When Mr Gladstone resigned the leadership of his party in 1875, Bright was chairman of the party meeting which chose Lord Hartington as his successor.

At the general election in 1880 he was re-elected at Birmingham, and joined Mr Gladstone's new government as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster.

He, however, gave a general support to Mr Gladstone's government.

Until 1885 he was a devoted adherent of Mr Gladstone, particularly in finance and foreign affairs.

He refused to support Mr Gladstone's Home Rule Bill in 1885, and was one of those who chiefly contributed to its rejection, and whose reputation for unbending integrity and intellectual eminence gave solidity to the Liberal Unionist party.

It was inevitable that he should follow Hartington rather than Gladstone over Irish Home Rule.

Mr Gladstone was attracted by his vigorous ability as a speaker, and his evidence of sound political judgment; and in August 1892, though comparatively unknown to the general public, he was selected to move the vote of want of confidence which overthrew Lord Salisbury's government, and was made home secretary in the new Liberal ministry.

In 1880 he entertained Mr Gladstone at Dalmeny, and during the "Mid Lothian campaign" he had much to do with the stage-management of the demonstrations.

In June 1885 the Liberal administration broke up, but Lord Salisbury's ministry, which succeeded, was beaten early in February 1886, and when Mr Gladstone adopted Home Rule, Lord Rosebery threw in his lot with the old leader, and was made secretary of state for foreign affairs during the brief Liberal ministry which followed.

His views on foreign policy differed materially from those of Granville and Gladstone.

Meanwhile, in August, upon the return of Gladstone to power, he was induced with some difficulty (for he was suffering at the time from insomnia) to resume his position as foreign minister.

Lord Rosebery's personal popularity had been increased at home by his successful intervention in the coal strike of December 1893, and when in March 1894 the resignation of Gladstone was announced, his selection by Queen Victoria for the premiership was welcomed by the public at large and by the majority of his own party.

When the "Armenian atrocities" became a burning question in the country in 1896, and Mr Gladstone himself emerged from his retirement to advocate intervention, Lord Rosebery's difficulties had taken their final form.

In 1898, on the death of Mr Gladstone, he paid a noble and eloquent tribute in the.

In the Gladstone ministry of 1880 Mundella was vice-president of the council, and shortly afterwards was nominated fourth charity commissioner for England and Wales.

He had been a strong supporter of Irish Disestablishment, but he refused to follow Gladstone in accepting Home Rule.

He expressly stated that "if he ever had a political leader, his leader was John Bright, not Mr Gladstone."

In his later years he expressed his views in a weekly journal, The Farmer's Sun, and published in 5904 My Memory of Gladstone, while occasional letters to the Spectator showed that he had lost neither his interest in English politics and social questions nor his remarkable gifts of style.

In the winter of 1838 he was visited in Rome by Macaulay, Manning and Gladstone.

Gladstone as high commissioner extraordinary to investigate the condition of the islands.

But after a tour through the principal islands Gladstone came to the conclusion that the abolition of the protectorate was not the wish of the mass of the people.

For a few days in 1859 he held office as lord high commissioner, and in that capacity he proposed for the consideration of the assembly a series of reforms. These reforms were, however, declared inadmissible by the assembly; and Sir Henry Storks, who succeeded Gladstone in February 1859, began his rule by a prorogation.

Through the rashness of others he got into difficulties, and was attacked in the British House of Commons by Mr Gladstone, whom he compelled to apologize.

Gladstone, died six months after his birth.

By family tradition and an idealistic outlook a Liberal, Alfred Lyttelton had always taken a great interest in politics; and he formed one of the party at Dalmeny, when his uncle Gladstone carried his Midlothian campaign to a successful issue in the general election of 1880.

Nevertheless, so long as Gladstone was in active politics he felt he could not publicly join a party in opposition to an uncle whom he revered.

Gladstone, which branded the Bourbon regime as " the negation of God erected into a system of government."

Orthodox churchmen, Evangelical and Tractarian alike, were alarmed by views on the incarnate nature of Christ that seemed to them to impugn his Divinity, and by concessions to the Higher Criticism in the matter of the inspiration of Holy Scriptures which appeared to them to convert the "impregnable rock," as Gladstone had called it, into a foundation of sand; sceptics, on the other hand, were not greatly impressed by a system of defence which seemed to draw an artificial line beyond which criticism was not to advance.

In 1869 he refused Gladstone's offer of a peerage.

He remained in England less than a month, during which time the government (the second Gladstone administration) announced that they had decided upon his restoration.

In 18 o Mr Gladstone declared for y 9 disestablishment, and under his government of 1892 a Disestablishment Bill was introduced in the House of Commons by Sir Charles Cameron, in two successive sessions, 1893-1894.

The foundation of Lampeter College was one of the earliest signs of a new era of revived vigour and better government within the Church, although it was not till 1870 that, by Mr Gladstone's appointment of Dr Joshua Hughes to the see of St Asaph, the special claims of the Welsh Church were officially recognized, and the old Elizabethan policy was one more reverted to after a lapse of nearly two hundred years.

In 1859, through a change of administration, the budget was not introduced until the 18th of July, while in 1880 there were two budgets, one introduced in March under Disraeli's administration, and the other in June, under Gladstone's administration.

After the receipt in December 1879 of the reports of Mr Gladstone's speeches during his Midlothian campaign - in which he denounced annexation as obtained by means dishonourable to Great Britain - the Boers expected nothing less than the retrocession of the country.

As Lord Morley in his Life of Gladstone says, " this pregnant and far-sighted warning seems to have been little considered by English statesmen of either party at this critical time or afterwards, though it proved a vital element in any far-sighted decision.

The new administration, notwithstanding Mr Gladstone's public utterances, declared their intention of retaining British sovereignty in the Transvaal, coupling with that decision a pious hope for the speedy accomplishment of confederation so as to allow of free institutions being given to Natal and the Transvaal.

I It is remarkable that the Liberal government, despite this aspiration, and despite stronger language used by Mr Gladstone, did nothing to give the Boers any real self-government.

Meanwhile the resolution of Mr Gladstone and his colleagues to keep the Transvaal had been shaken by the Boer declaration of independence.

In 1884 the Gladstone administration made further concessions by the London convention of that year.

In the autumn of 1909 it became known that Lord Selborne, whose services in bringing about the union were generally recognized, would not remain to represent the Crown in inau uratin the new form of government, and the choice g g g, of the British government fell on the home secretary, Mr Herbert Gladstone (who was in March 1910 created Viscount Gladstone of Lanark) as first governor-general of the Union.

Lord Gladstone had the responsibility of summoning the first prime minister of the Union - a task rendered more difficult as the decision had to be taken before the first election to the Union parliament was held.

Towards the end of May, Lord Gladstone called upon General Botha to form a ministry, which was constituted from the ranks of the existing cabinets and included Natal ministers as well as strong Boer partisans like Mr Fischer and General Hertzog.

This verdict was ignored by the government, and subsequently quashed by the Queen's Bench in Dublin, but additional feeling was roused in respect of the incident owing to a message later sent by Mr Gladstone ending with the words "Remember Mitchelstown."

A pension was awarded him by Mr Gladstone at the beginning of 1881.

After twenty-four years' labour in the diocese of Oxford, he was translated by Gladstone to the bishopric of Winchester.

Gladstone, who rewarded him with the living of St George's, Botolph Lane, in 1871, and with a canonry of Ripon in 1884.

The intention again was that the tax should be temporary, but although the free-trade work was practically completed in the early 'sixties, and Mr Gladstone went so far as to dissolve parliament in 1874 with a promise that he would abolish the tax if his party were returned to power, it has become a permanent impost.

In 1875, when Mr Gladstone "retired," he was strongly supported for the leadership of the Liberal party, but declined to be nominated against Lord Hartington.

On Mr Gladstone's return to office in 1880 he was made chief secretary for Ireland, with Lord Cowper as lord-lieutenant.

On the 2nd of May Mr Gladstone announced that the government intended to release Mr Parnell and his fellow-prisoners in Kilmainham, and that both Lord Cowper and Mr Forster had in consequence resigned; and the following Saturday Forster's successor, Lord Frederick Cavendish, was, with Mr Burke, murdered in Phoenix Park.

But Mr Gladstone's influence with the Liberal party was paramount, in spite of the damaging appearance of the compact made with Parnell, and Forster's pointed criticisms only caused thoroughgoing partisans to accuse him of a desire to avenge himself.

It was Forster who, when appealing to the government at the time of Gordon's danger at Khartum, spoke of Mr Gladstone as able "to persuade most people of most things, and himself of almost anything," and though the phrase was much resented by Mr Gladstone's entourage, the truth that underlay it may be taken as representing the very converse of his own character.

It was probably forgotten at the time (though Lord Kimberley afterwards publicly stated it) that one of the chief reasons why the Gladstone government had granted the retrocession of the Transvaal after Majuba, was the fear that the Cape Colonial Dutch would join their kinsmen if the war continued.

While the war was in progress his letters from Cobden and Bright, from Gladstone and the duke of Argyll, at Lincoln's request were read by Sumner to the cabinet, and formed a chief source of light as to political thought in England.

Gladstone, was born - had been a merchant in Leith.

Gladstone that he included her, in an article in the Speaker, among the foremost English poetesses of the day.

He was returned to the House of Commons in that year for the Irish borough of Carlow, and became a devoted admirer and adherent of Mr Gladstone; but he was practically a silent member, and his parliamentary career came to an end after the general election of 1865, when, having headed the poll for Bridgnorth, he was unseated on a scrutiny; he contested Bridgnorth again in 1868, but without success.

In 1869 he was raised to the peerage by Gladstone as Baron Acton; he was an intimate friend and constant correspondent of the Liberal leader, and the two men had the very highest regard for one another.

Matthew Arnold used to say that "Gladstone influences all round him but Acton; it is Acton who influences Gladstone."

In 1874, when Gladstone published his pamphlet on The Vatican Decrees, Lord Acton wrote during November and December a series of remarkable letters to The Times, illustrating Gladstone's main theme by numerous historical examples of papal inconsistency, in a way which must have been bitter enough to the ultramontane party, but demurring nevertheless to Gladstone's conclusion and insisting that the Church itself was better than its premisses implied.

His reputation for learning had gradually been spread abroad, largely through Gladstone's influence.

This defect in the budget was exposed in a great speech by Gladstone, which did much to ensure the defeat of the scheme and the fall of the ministry.

In the new ministry Lord Aberdee,n became first lord of the treasury, Gladstone chancellor of the exchequer, Lord John Russell foreign ministerthough he was almost immediately replaced in the foreign office by Lord Clarendon, and himself assumed the presidency of the council.

The first session of the Aberdeen administration will be chiefly recollected for the remarkable budget which Gladstone brought forward.

For Gladstone, in framing his budget, had contemplated a continuance of peace, and the country was, unhappily, already drifting into war.

Lord John Russell agreed to accept office as foreign minister; Gladstone consented to take the chancellorship of the exchequer.

In order to enable him to accomplish these great changes, Gladstone temporarily raised the income tax, which he found at 9d.

The language, moreover, which Gladstone was holding on other subjects encouraged the more advanced Liberals to expect that he would ultimately place himself at the head of the party of progress.

This expectation was the more remarkable because Gladstone was the representative in the cabinet of the old Conservative party which Sir Robert Peel had led to victory.

Yet, on all the chief domestic questions whichcame befOre parliament in Lord Palmerstons second administration, Gladstone almost invariably took a more Liberal view than his chief.

It was understood, indeed, that the relations between the two men were not always harmonious; that Lor4 Palmerstoii disapproved the resolute conduct of Gladstone, and that Gladstone deplored the Conservative tendencies of Lord Palmerston.

It was believed that Gladstone on more than one occasion desired to escape from a position which he disliked by resigning office, and that the resignation was only averted through a consciousness that the ministry could not afford to lose its most eloquent member.

Napoleon, indeed, used his influence to carry them into effect; but Lord John Russell, who was now in charge of the British foreign office, and who had Lord Palmerston and Gladstone on his side in, the cabinet, gave a vigorous support to the claim of the Italians that their country should be allowed to regulate her own affairs.

Thenceforward, for the next thirteen years, the chief places in the two great parties in the state were filled by the two men, Gladstone and Disraeli, who were unquestionably the ablest representatives of their respective followers.

It was also interesting to reflect that Gladstone had begun life as a Conservative, and had only gradually moved to the ranks of the Liberal party; while Disraeli had fought his first election under the auspices of OConnell and Hume, had won his spurs by his attacks on Sir Robert Peel, and had been only reluctantly adopted by the Conservatives as their leader in the House of Commons.

Gladstone, in the course of the debate, declared that in his opinion the time had come when the Irish Church, as a political institution, should cease; and he followed up his declaration by a series of resolutions, which were accepted by considerable majorities, pledging the House to its disestablishment.

It was virtually asked to decide in 1868 whether it would put its trust in Liberal or Conservative, in Gladstone or Disraeli.

By an overwhelming majority it threw its lot in favor of Gladstone; and Disraeli, without even venturing to meet parliament, took the unusual course of at once placing his resignation in the queens hands.

The events of the Abyssinian war, however, were forgotten in the great political revolution which had swept the Conservatives from officeand placed Gladstone in power.

It was generally understood that Gladstone intended to deal with three great Irish grievances the three branches of the Glad- upas tree the religious, agricultural and educa stones tional grievances.

Gladstone introduced ministry, a bill disconnecting the Irish Church from the state, establishing a synod for its government, andafter leaving it in possession of its churches and its parsonages, and making ample provision for the life-interest of its existing clergydevoting the bulk of its property to the relief of distress in Ireland.

Some of these amendments were adopted by Gladstone; a compromise was effected in respect of the others; and the bill, which had practically occupied the whole session, and had perhaps involved higher constructive skill than any measure passed in the previous half-century, became law.

In the other, Gladstone decided on abolishing, by the direct authority of the crown, the system which the Lords refused to do away with by legislation.

Two appointments, one to a judicial office, the other to an ecclesiastical preferment, in which Gladstone, about the same time, showed more disposition to obey the letter than the spirit of the law, confirmed the impression which the abolition of purchase had made.

In 1873 Gladstone attempted to complete his great Irish measures by conferring on Ireland the advantage of a university which would be equally acceptable to Protestants and Roman Catholics.

The second reading of the bill was rejected by a small majority, and Gladstone resigned; but, as Disraeli could not form a government, he resumed office.

Gladstone endeavoured to meet the storm by a rearrangement of his crew.

Lowe, who had incurred unpopularity by his fiscal measures, and especially by an abortive suggestion for the taxation of matches, was transferred from the exchequer to the home office, and Gladstone himself assumed the duties of chancellor of the exchequer.

But Gladstone in 873 had taken a course which had not been contemplated in 1867.

The course which Gladstone took, and the bait which he held out to the electors, were generally condemned.

Gladstone, emerging from his retirement, denounced the conduct of the Turks, In a phrase which became famous he declared that the, only remedy for the European provinces of the Porte was to turn out the Ottoman government bag and baggage.

One party was led by Disraeli, who was supposed to represent the traditional policy of England of maintaining the rule of the Turk at all hazards; the other, inspired by the example of Gladstone, was resolved at all costs to terminate oppression, but was at the same time distrusted as indirectly assisting the ambitious views by which the Eastern policy of Russia had always been animated.

Gladstone, emerging from his retirement, practically placed himself again at the head of the Liberal party.

For the first time in the queens reign, a solid Liberal majority, independent of all extraneous Irish support, was returned, and Gladstone resumed in triumph his old position as prime minister.

Gladstone admitted the force of this reasoning, and a bill was introduced to give effect to it.

It was an odd commentary on parliamentary government that a Liberal ministry should be in power, and that Irish members should be in prison; and early in 1882 Gladstone determined to liberate the prisoners on terms. The new policyrepresented by what was known as the Kilmainham Treatyled to the resignation of the viceroy, Lord Cowper, and of Forster, and the appointnient of Lord Spencer and Lord Frederick Cavendish as their successors.

Gladstone might fairly plead that he had done much, that he had risked much, for Ireland, and that Ireland was making him a poor return for his services.

Gladstone resigned office, and Lord Salisbury, who, after Lord Beaconsfields death, had succeeded to the lead of the Conservative party, was instructed to form a new administration.

It was obvious that the new government, as its first duty, would be compelled to dissolve the parliament that had been elected when Gladstone was enjoying the popularity which he had lost so rapidly in office.

It they threw in their lot with Gladstone, Lord Salisburys government was evidently doomed.

In his election speeches Gladstone had insisted on the necessity of the country returning a Liberal majority which could act independently of the Irish vote; and the result of the general election had left the Irish the virtual arbiters of the political situation.

In these circumstances Gladstone arrived at a momentous decision.

It wits perhaps characteristic of Gladstone, though it was unquestionibly unfortunate, that, in determining on this radical change of policy, he consulted few, if any, of his previous colleagues.

Lord Salisbury resigned, and Gladstone restimed power.

The attitude, however, which Gladstone was understood to be taking on the subject of Home Rule threw maiay difficulties in his way.

A split in the Liberal party thus began, which was destined tO endure; and Gladstone found his difficulties increased by the defection of the men.

Gladstone, bowing at once to the verdict of the people, resigned office, and Lord Salisbury returned to power.

He was made co-respondent in a divorce suit brought by Captain OShea another Irishmanfor the dissolution of his marriage; and the disclosures made at the trial induced Gladstone, who was supported by the Nonconformists generally throughout the United Kingdom, to request Parnell to withdraw from the leadership of the Irish party.

On the meeting of the new parliament Lord Salisburys government was defeated on a vote of want of confidence, and for a fourth time Gladstone became prime minister.

Some doubt was felt as to the course which Gladstone would take in this crisis.

As a matter of fact, Gladstone adopted neither of these courses.

With this object an autumn session was held, and the Parish Councils Act, introduced by Mr Fowler (afterwards Lard Wolverhampton), was passed, after important amendments, which had been introduced into it in the House of Lords, had been reluctantly accepted by Gladstone.

On the other hand, an Employers Liability Bill, introduced by Mr Asquith, the home secretary, was ultimately dropped by Gladstone after passing all stages in the House of Commons, rather than that an amendment of the Peers, allowing contracting out, should be accepted.

Before, however, the session had quite run out (3rd March 1894), Gladstone, who had now completed his eighty-fourth year, laid down.

Lord Rosebery did not succeed in popularizing the Home Rule proposal which Gladstone had failed to carry.

The government of 1892-1895, which was successively led by Gladstone and Lord Rosebery, will, on the whole, be remembered for its failures.

Gladstone, was a burgess of Biggar, and lies in the churchyard.

Lord Derby wanted Lord Palmerston's help, Mr Gladstone's, Mr Sidney Herbert's.

Mr Gladstone's budgets, made possible by this prosperity, were so many triumphs for Liberalism.

Earl Russell succeeded him as prime minister, Mr Gladstone as leader of the House of Commons.

Mr Gladstone approved, proposing the abolition of the Irish Church to begin with.

Disraeli insisted that the question should be settled in the new parliament which the franchise act called for, and he seems to have had little doubt that the country would declare against Mr Gladstone's proposal.

The history of the next five years is Mr Gladstone's.

Gladstone was charged with evading this limitation in allowing Harvey to qualify for the appointment by being formally admitted M.A.

He was a strong Liberal with somewhat socialistic views, and was preferred by Mr. Gladstone to the living of Stokenham and Chivelstone in Devon in 1884.

Only a few of the less important forts were delivered to the Serbs at that time; but in 1863 Prince Michael sent his wife, the beautiful and accomplished Princess Julia (née Countess Hunyadi), to plead the cause of Servia in London, and she succeeded in interesting prominent English politicians (Cobden, Bright, Gladstone) in the fate of the Balkan countries.

In this post he performed the most memorable actions of his life by the abolition of purchase and the institution of the short service system and the reserve in the army, measures which excited more opposition than any of the numerous reforms effected by the Gladstone government of that period, but which were entirely justified by their successful working afterwards.

On the resignation of the Gladstone ministry in 1874 he was raised to the peerage as Viscount Cardwell of Ellerbeck, but took no further prominent part in politics.

But the general election did not turn mainly upon Ireland, and the result gave Gladstone a majority of so over Conservatives and Home Rulers combined.

In the House of Commons, on the 24th of May 1882, Gladstone said that boycotting required a sanction like every other creed, and that the sanction which alone made it effective " is the murder which is not to be denounced."

Speaking at Leeds on the 7th of October, Gladstone said " the resources of civilization were not exhausted," adding that Parnell " stood between the living and the dead, not like Aaron to stay the plague, but to spread the plague."

At Liverpool on the 27th of October Gladstone described Parnell and his party as " marching through rapine to the disintegration and dismemberment of the empire."

Gladstone resolved on a complete change of policy.

In December 1885, when the general election was over, an anonymous scheme of Home Rule appeared in some newspapers, and in spite of disclaimers it was at once believed that Gladstone had made up his mind to surrender.

Gladstone became prime minister with Lord Aberdeen as lord-lieutenant and Mr John Morley as chief secretary.

The Irish landlords, however, showed no disposition to sell their country, and the Purchase Bill was quickly dropped, though Gladstone had declared the two measures to be inseparable.

The " dissentient Liberals," as Gladstone always called them, were not converted by the abandonment of the Purchase Bill, and on the 7th of June 93 of them voted against the second reading, [From Anglo-Norman Invasion] of this movement was that tenants should offer what, , they were pleased to consider a fair rent, and if it was refused, should pay the money into the hands of a committee.

A telegram sent by Gladstone a little later, ending with the words " remember Mitchelstown," created a good deal of feeling, but it did the Home Rulers no good.

Five days later he was unanimously re-elected chairman by his party in parliament, but the meeting was scarcely over when Gladstone's famous letter to Mr Morley became public. The writer in effect demanded Parnell's resignation of the leadership as the condition upon which he could continue at the head of the Liberal party.

Lord Salisbury resigned in August, and was succeeded by Gladstone, with Lord Houghton (afterwards earl of Crewe) as lord-lieutenant and Mr John Morley as chief secretary.

In the same month Gladstone introduced his second Home Rule Bill, which pro posed to retain 80 Irish members in the imperial parliament instead of 103, but they were not to vote on any proceedings expressly confined to Great Britain.

On the 3rd of March 1894 Gladstone resigned, and Lord Rosebery (q.v.) became prime minister.

He considered himself entitled to office when his party was in power, and was decidedly mortified at not getting it from Mr. Gladstone.

The material for forming a judgment will be found in Gordon's Journals (1885), Morley's Life of Gladstone (1903), Fitzrnaurice's Life of Granville (1905),(1905), and Cromer's Modern Egypt (1908).

The Liberal partynumbered 349, against 243 Conservatives and 60 Irish Nationalists; and the Radical section of the Liberal party, led by Mr Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke, was recognized by Mr Gladstone by his inclusion of the former in his cabinet as president of the Board of Trade, and the appointment of the latter as under secretary for foreign affairs.

Both before and after the defeat of Mr Gladstone's government on the Budget in June 1885, he associated himself with what was known as the "Unauthorized Programme," i.e.

The Liberal strength generally was, however, reduced to 335 members, though the Radical section held their own; and the Irish vote became necessary to Mr Gladstone if he was to command a majority.

Unlike Lord Hartington (afterwards duke of Devonshire) and other Liberals, who declined to join Mr Gladstone in view of the altered attitude he was adopting towards Ireland, Mr Chamberlain entered the cabinet as president of the Local Government Board (with Mr Jesse Collings as parliamentary secretary), but on the 15th of March 1886 he resigned, explaining in the House of Commons (8th April) that, while he had always been in favour of the largest possible extension of local government to Ireland consistently with the integrity of the empire and the supremacy of parliament, and had therefore joined Mr Gladstone when he believed that this was what was intended, he was unable to consider that the scheme communicated by Mr Gladstone to his colleagues maintained those limitations.

At the same time he was not irreconcilable, and he invited Mr Gladstone even then to modify his bill so as to remove the objections made to it.

Mr Chamberlain was the object of the bitterest attacks from the Gladstonians for his share in this result; he was stigmatized as "Judas," and open war was proclaimed by the Home Rulers against the "dissentient Liberals" - the description used by Mr Gladstone.

When the House met in August, it was decided by the Liberal Unionists, under Lord Hartington's leadership, that their policy henceforth was essentially to combine with the Tories to keep Mr Gladstone out.

In August Lord Salisbury's ministry was defeated; and on the 13th of February 1893 Mr Gladstone introduced his second Home Rule Bill, which was eventually read a third time on the 1st of September.

His chief contribution to the discussions during the later stages of the Gladstone and Rosebery ministries was in connexion with Mr Asquith's abortive Employers' Liability Bill, when he foreshadowed the method of dealing with this question afterwards carried out in the Compensation Act of 1897.

The elections of 1900 (when he was again returned, unopposed, for West Birmingham) turned upon the individuality of a single minister more than any since the days of Mr Gladstone's ascendancy, and Mr Chamberlain, never conspicuous for inclination to turn his other cheek to the smiter,was not slow to return the blows with interest.

While he was still under Mr Gladstone's influence these opinions were kept in subordination; but Mr Chamberlain was always an imperial federationist, and from 1887 onwards he constantly gave expression to his views on the desirability of drawing the different parts of the empire closer together for purposes of defence and commerce.

Even by free-trade ministers like Gladstone it had been left up to 1869 untouched, and its removal by Robert Lowe (Lord Sherbrooke) had since then been widely regarded as a piece of economic pedantry.

Nothing like this campaign had been known in the political world since Mr Gladstone's Midlothian days; and it produced a great public impression, stirring up both supporters and opponents.

But while his enemies taunted him with having twice wrecked his party - first the Radical party under Mr Gladstone, and secondly the Unionist party under Mr Balfour - no well-informed critic doubted his sincerity, or failed to recognize that in leaving the cabinet and embarking on his fiscal campaign he showed real devotion to an idea.

But he made no sign of disapproval when the doctrine was defined, and subsequently, in a letter nominally addressed to the duke of Norfolk on the occasion of Mr Gladstone's accusing the Roman Church of having "equally repudiated modern thought and ancient history," Newman affirmed that he had always believed the doctrine, and had only feared the deterrent effect of its definition on conversions on account of acknowledged historical difficulties.

In 1863 he was appointed chaplain to the Speaker of the House of Commons, declined the professorship of modern history at Cambridge in 1869, but in the same year accepted from Mr Gladstone the deanery of Ely, and until his death on the 27th of December 1893 devoted himself to the best interests of the cathedral.

Gladstone died, and the new Liberal leaders grew even more indifferent to the demands of labor.

Gladstone became liberal prime minister for the second time in April 1880 and hoped to pass an emergency Land Bill through parliament that summer.

In 1894 he established a protectorate over Uganda, from which Gladstone had wished to withdraw all British influence.

A hundred years later, Gladstone wanted government annuities sold at every post office to encourage thrift.

He remained, nevertheless, a Liberal; and after the franchise question had been settled by what Lowe considered Disraeli's betrayal, and he had been elected the first member for London University, he accepted office again in the Gladstone Cabinet of 1868 as chancellor of the exchequer.

Ignorant of the assurance conveyed to France by Lord Granville that the Gladstone cabinet would respect the engagements of the Beaconsfield-Salisbury administration, Cairoli, in deference to Italian public opinion, endeavoured to neutralize the activity of the French consul Roustan by the appointment of an equally energetic Italian consul, Macci.

Gladstone, addressing the electors of Newark, said that he was bound by the opinions of no man and no party, but felt it a duty to watch and resist that growing desire for change which threatened to produce " along with partial good a melancholy preponderance of mischief."

Having made careful investigations, Gladstone, on the 7th of April 1851, addressed an open letter to Lord Aberdeen, bringing an elaborate, detailed and horrible indictment against the rulers of Naples, especially as regards the arrangements of their prisons and the treatment of persons confined in them for political offences.

Lord Russell, backed by Gladstone, persuaded his colleagues to consent to a moderate Reform Bill, and the task of piloting this measure through the House of Commons fell to Gladstone.

Public indignation was aroused by what were known as the " Bulgarian atrocities," and Gladstone flung himself into the agitation against Turkey with characteristic zeal.

The bombardment of the forts at Alexandria and the occupation of Egypt in 1882 were viewed with great disfavour by the bulk of the Liberal party, and were but little congenial to Gladstone himself.

On the ist of February 1886 Gladstone became, for the third time, prime minister.

It may seem paradoxical, but it is true, to say that Mr Gladstone was by nature conservative.

The queen was opposed to the Disestablishment of the Irish Church (1869) - the question which brought Gladstone to be premier - and though she yielded with good grace, Gladstone was fretful and astonished because she would not pretend to give a hearty assent to the measure.

Through her secretary, General Grey, the queen pointed out that she had not concealed from Gladstone" how deeply she deplored "his having felt himself under the necessity of raising the question, and how apprehensive she was of the possible consequences of the measure; but, when a general election had pronounced on the principle, when the bill had been carried through the House of Commons by unvarying majorities, she did not see what good could be gained by rejecting it in the Lords.

He was assailed in parliament by the eloquence of Gladstone, the sarcasms of Disraeli, and the animosity of the Manchester Radicals, but the country was with him.

But Gladstone was not content with these great alterations, which involved a loss of nearly 1,200,000 a year to the exchequer; he voluntarily undertook to sacrifice another million on what he called a supple.mental measure of customs reform.

Gladstone, before he accepted office, had denounced the policy of annexing the Transvaal; his language was so strong that he was charged with encouraging the Beers to maintain their independence by force; his example had naturally been imitated by some of his followers at the general election; and, when be resumed power, he found himself in the difficult dilemma of either maintaining an arrangement which he had declared to be unwise, or of yielding to a demand which the Boers were already threatening to support in arms. The events of the first year of his administration added to his difficulty.

Disraeli, who at first preferred retirement and the writing of Lothair, came forward from time to time to point the moral and predict the end of Mr Gladstone's impulsive courses, which soon began to fret the confidence of his friends.

We now know this city to have belonged to the middle pre-Mycenaean period, long' prior to the generation of Homer's Archaeans; but Schliemann far and wide proclaimed it "Troy," and was backed by Gladstone and a large part of the European public. Trying to resume his work in February 1874, he found himself inhibited by the Ottoman government, whose allotted share of the gold treasure had not been satisfactory, and it was not till April 1876 that he obtained a firman.

During 1877 the new federation of Liberal Associations which became known as the "Caucus" was started under Mr Chamberlain's influence in Birmingham - its secretary, Mr Schnadhorst, quickly making himself felt as a wire-puller of exceptional ability; and the new organization had a remarkable effect in putting life into the Liberal party, which since Mr Gladstone's retirement in 1874 had been much in need of a stimulus.

Even in what Mr Chamberlain called his "Radical days" he had never supported the "Manchester" view of the value of a colonial empire; and during the Gladstone ministry of1882-1885Mr Bright had remarked that the junior member for Birmingham was the only Jingo in the cabinet - meaning, no doubt, that he objected to the policy of laissez-faire and the timidity of what was afterwards known as "Little Englandism."

Gladstone, the truculent old man, will quail before the pointing finger of revenge.

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In 1870, by an arrangement which he attributed to his friend Robert Lowe, afterwards Lord Sherbrooke (at that time a member of Gladstone's ministry), Scott was promoted to the deanery of Rochester and Jowett was elected to the vacant mastership by the fellows of Balliol.

In the first Gladstone administration he held a variety of public offices, finally becoming, in 1871, the first president of the local government board.

The first year of office passed off successfully, and it was owing to the steady support of the prime minister that Gladstone's great budget of 1853 was accepted by the cabinet.

Mr Gladstone specially quoted him in support of the Light Wines Bill (1860).

The subject was next taken up by Hans Landolt, who, from an immense number of observations, supported in a general way the formula of Gladstone and Dale.

It is found experimentally that the Lorenz and Lorentz function holds fairly well, and better than the Gladstone and Dale formula.