It affords a point of departure for the interpretation of the genesis of existing instincts.
The problem of the genesis of mind is practically solved by identifying the soul, 1 This is brought out by F.
One of them was defeated by Ammi-zadoq of Babylonia (c. 2100 B.C.); another would have been the Chedor-laomer (Kutur-Lagamar) of Genesis xiv.
Lucretius traces, in the fifth book of his poem, the progressive genesis of vegetal and animal forms out of the motherearth.
Ix.; The Genesis and Development of the Wall and Connecting Threads in the Plant Cell.
Bereshith Rabba, on Genesis, and Ekhah Rabbati, on Lamentations, were probably edited in the 7th century.
Of one part of the argument of this work Fiske wrote in the preface of one of his later books (Through Nature to God, 1899): "The detection of the part played by the lengthening of infancy in the genesis of the human race is my own especial contribution to the Doctrine of Evolution."
It proposes to set forth the genesis of the existing universe from principles which can be plainly Lh understood, and according to the acknowledged laws of the transmission of movement.
Driver, Genesis (1909), p. 35).
Now blood was everywhere in antiquity associated with life, and the biblical passage, Genesis ix.
It may be supposed that these crude fancies embody a dim recognition of the physical forces and objects personified under the forms of deities, and a rude attempt to account for their genesis as a natural process.
These first unscientific ideas of a genesis of the permanent objects of nature took as their pattern the process of organic reproduction and development, and this, not only because these objects were regarded as personalities, but also because this particular mode of becoming would most impress these early observers.
Empedocles tries to explain the genesis of organic beings, and, according to Lange, anticipates the idea of Darwin that adaptations abound, because it is their nature to perpetuate themselves.
The system of Plotinus, Zellar remarks, is not strictly speaking one of emanation, since there is no communication of the divine essence to the created world; yet it resembles emanation inasmuch as the genesis of the world is conceived as a necessary physical effect, and not as the result of volition.
Careful attempts, based on new scientific truths, an made to explain the genesis of the world as a natural process.
In his Naturgeschichte des Himmels, in which he anticipated the nebular theory afterwards more fully developed by Laplace, Kant sought to explain the genesis of the cosmos as a product of physical forces and laws.
The influence of the Deuteronomic tradition in redaction is seen in such passages as Genesis xxxiii.
In his Westminster review of Whately's Logic in 1828 (invaluable to all students of the genesis of Mill's logic) he appears, curiously enough, as an ardent and brilliant champion of the syllogistic logic against highfliers such as the Scottish philosophers who talk of "superseding" it by "a supposed system of inductive logic."
Whatever may have been the immediate genesis of the myth - and it may well be sought in the heartless forest laws - its vitality was assured by the English love of archery and historical repetition.
Granted that instinctive modes of behaviour are hereditary and definite within the limits of congenital variation, the question of their manner of genesis is narrowed to a clear issue.
Exegesis of this sort is not the characteristic of any single circle, people or century; unscientific methods of biblical interpretation have prevailed from Philo's treatment of the Pentateuch to modern apologetic interpretations of Genesis, ch.
3), and (2) of the great vessel or ship in which Noah took refuge during the flood (Genesis vi.
According to the story in Genesis, Noah's ark was large enough to contain his family and representatives of each kind of animal.
As the chronicler rewrote the history of Israel and Judah from the basis of the Priests' Code, so our author re-edited from the Pharisaic standpoint of his time the book of Genesis and the early chapters of Exodus.
This is also the view of the reasonable Strabo; but it does not account for the genesis of the other story.
Petri epistolam (1641), and also his commentaries on Genesis (1637) and on Deuteronomy (1658).
Heiland), is, with the fragments of a version of the story of Genesis believed to be by the same author, all that remains of the poetical literature of the old Saxons, i.e.
At first, as in the case of the child, the problem of the genesis of things was conceived anthropomorphically: the question " How did the world arise?"
His later years were occupied with a series of philosophical works, of which the most important were: Die Phantasie als Grundprincip des Weltprocesses (1877), Uber die Genesis der Menschheit and deren geistige Entwicklung in Religion, Sittlichkeit and Sprache (1883), and Ober die Organisation and Cultur der menschlichen Gesellschaft (1885).
Maintained in his commentary on Genesis (edition of 1892), has now been abandoned by nearly all scholars of repute.
Some appear written for the first time in the book of Jubilees, in " the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs " (both perhaps 2nd century B.C.) and in later sources; and although in Genesis the stories are now in a post-exilic setting (a stage earlier than Jubilees), the older portions may well belong to the 7th or 6th cent.
Yet it is clear from the book of Genesis alone that in the age of Priestly writers and compilers there were other phases of thought.
The "Life" calls into existence in the visible world a series of three great Helpers, Hibil, Shithil and Anosh (late Judaeo-Babylonian transformations of the well-known names of the book of Genesis), the guardians of souls.
He studied theology, and won his doctor's degree by an edition of thirty-four chapters of Genesis from the Arabic version of the Samaritan Pentateuch.
Colenso, and learned to regard the prophetic narrative of Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers as older than what was by the Germans denominated Grundschrift (" Book of Origins").
2 That on Genesis was edited for the first time by Schechter (Cambridge, 1902).
See Driver, Commentary on Genesis, excursus i.
It contains in fact the history itself in two forms: (a) from the creation of man to the fall of Judah (Genesis-2 Kings), which is supplemented and continued further - (b) to the foundation of Judaism in the 5th century B.C. (Chronicles - Ezra-Nehemiah).
This involves the view that the historical traditions are mainly due to two characteristic though very complicated recensions, one under the influence of the teaching of Deuteronomy (Joshua to Kings, see § 20), the other, of a more priestly character (akin to Leviticus), of somewhat later date (Genesis to Joshua, with traces in Judges to Kings, see § 23).
The " priestly " traditions of the creation and of the patriarchs mark a very distinct advance upon the earlier narratives, and appear in a further developed form in the still later book of Jubilees, or " Little Genesis," where they are used to demonstrate the pre-Mosaic antiquity of the priestly or Levitical institutions.
An interest in the past is not necessarily confined to any one age, and the critical view that the biblical history has been compiled from relatively late standpoints finds support in the still later treatment of the events - in Chronicles as contrasted with Samuel-Kings or in Jubilees as contrasted with Genesis.'
The genesis of Mandaeis.m and the older gnosis from the old and elaborate BabylonioChaldaean religion is clearly seen also in the fact that the names of the old pantheon (as for example those of the planetary divinities) are retained, but their holders degraded to the position of demons - a conclusion confirmed by the fact that the Mandaeans, like the allied Ophites, Peratae and Manichaeans, certainly have their original seat in Mesopotamia and Babylonia.
On this question, see Driver, Genesis (Westminster Comm., London, 1904), p. 80 seq.; A.
In Genesis xiv.