Deuteronomy Sentence Examples

In both points it is followed by Deuteronomy.'

Collections of laws are found in Deuteronomy and in exilic and post-exilic writings; groups of a relatively earlier type are preserved in Exod.

On the other hand the better party among the priests, believing the ritual to be necessary, might undertake to moralize it; of such a movement, begun by Deuteronomy, Ezekiel is the most eminent representative.

Deuteronomy, where the several sources of the narratives are described.

Weighty reasons are brought also by conservative writers against the theory that Deuteronomy dates from or about the age of Josiah, and their objections to the " discovery " of a new law-roll apply equally to the " re-discovery " and promulgation of an old and authentic code.

The influence of Deuteronomy upon subsequent books of the Old Testament is very perceptible.

Of this halakhic Midrash we possess that on Exodus, called Mekhilta, that on Leviticus, called Sifra, and that on Numbers and Deuteronomy, called Sifre.

The book of Deuteronomy, in conjunction with the reformation of Josiah's reign (which synchronizes with the rapid decline of Assyria and the reviving prestige of Yahweh), appeared to mark the triumph of the great prophetic movement.

We note (a) that though the book of Deuteronomy bears the prophetic impress, the priestly impress is perhaps more marked.

The book of Deuteronomy crystallizes a doctrine; it is the codification of teaching which presupposes a carefully prepared soil.

Its treatment of the monarchy is only part of a great and now highly complicated literary undertaking (traceable in the books Joshua to Kings), inspired with the thought and coloured by language characteristic of Deuteronomy (especially the secondary portions), which forms the necessary introduction.

Whatever reforms Josiah actually accomplished, the restoration afforded the opportunity of bringing the Deuteronomic teaching into action; though it is more probable that Deuteronomy itself in the main is not much earlier than the second half of the 6th century B.C.'

There is also an unmistakable development in the laws; and the priestly legislation, though ahead of both Ezekiel and Deuteronomy, not to mention still earlier usage, not only continues to undergo continual internal modification, but finds a further distinct development, in the way of definition and interpretation, outside the Old Testament - in the Talmud.

Then with the concentration of the cultus at Jerusalem represented by Deuteronomy, the celebration was restricted to the Judean capital, and its duration fixed at seven days, though its date was still left indeterminate.

The determination of a fixed date must therefore have been much earlier than Deuteronomy or the alleged period of the Priestly Code.

The reasons for believing that this roll was substantially identical with the book of Deuteronomy were already appreciated by Jerome, Chrysostom, Theodoret and others,' and a careful examination shows that the character of the reformation which followed agrees in all its essential features with the prescriptions and exhortations of that book.

The great stature of Og is explained in the passage of Deuteronomy mentioned by the statement that he was of the remnant of the aboriginal Rephaim.

Thus in the Elohist and in Deuteronomy the date of the festival is only vaguely stated to be in the month of Abib, while in the Holiness Code and in the Priestly History the exact date is given.

A still more vital contrast occurs concerning the place of sacrificing the Passover; as enjoined in Deuteronomy this is to be by the males of the family at Jerusalem, whereas both in the presumably earlier Yahwist and in the later Priestly Code the whole household joins in the festival which can be celebrated wherever the Israelites are settled.

It may be observed however that the absence of a definite date in Deuteronomy must be accidental, since a common pilgrimage feast must be on a fixed day, and the reference to the seven weeks elapsing between Passover and Pentecost also implies the fixing of the date.

At the time of the reformation under Josiah, represented by Deuteronomy, the attempt was made to turn the family thank-offering of firstlings into a sacrificial rite performed by the priests in the Temple with the aid of the males of each household, who had to come up to Jerusalem but left the next morning to celebrate the Feast of Unleavened Bread in their homes.

The doctrine of monotheism was formally expressed in the period immediately before and during the Exile, in Deuteronomy" and Isaiah; and at the same time we find angels prominent in Ezekiel who, as a prophet of the Exile, may have been influenced by the hierarchy of supernatural beings in the Babylonian religion, and perhaps even by the angelology of Zoroastrianism."

There was probably some tradition of a farewell address delivered by Moses, and the writer of Deuteronomy gave this tradition form and substance.

This is the fundamental thought which is insisted on and developed in Deuteronomy with great eloquence and power.

The style of Deuteronomy, when once it had been formed, lent itself readily to imitation; and thus a school of writers, imbued with its spirit, and using its expressions, quickly arose, who have left their mark upon many parts of the Old Testament.

It is quite clear that many provisions in the old codes of J and E expanded lie at the basis of the book of Deuteronomy.

In 1529 on his way to Hamburg he was wrecked on the Dutch coast, and lost his newly completed translation of Deuteronomy.

In his principal work, Die geschichtlichen Bucher des Allen Testaments (1866), he sought to show that the priestly legislation of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers is of later origin than the book of Deuteronomy.

Every endeavour is made to gloss over, or modify, expressions which seemed derogatory to the ancestors of ' According to Zunz, Gottesdienstliche Vortrdge, 2nd ed., p. 80, its contents bear the following proportions to Genesis, z o o to Exodus, about 1 1 4 to Leviticus, s to Numbers, and 4 to Deuteronomy.

The style of " P " is strongly marked - as strongly marked, in fact, as (in a different way) that of Deuteronomy is; numerous expressions not found elsewhere in the Hexateuch occur in it repeatedly.

The compiler is strongly imbued with the spirit of Deuteronomy; and the object of his comments is partly to exhibit the chronology of the period as he conceived it, partly to state his theory of the religious history of the time.

Both in point of view and in phraseology the compiler shows himself to be strongly influenced by Deuteronomy.

He carries through, as Astruc had done, the analysis of Genesis into (primarily) two documents; he draws the distinction between the Priests' Code, of the middle books of the Pentateuch, and Deuteronomy, the people's law book; and admits that even the books that follow Genesis consist of different documents, many incomplete and fragmentary (whence the theory became known as the " Fragment-hypothesis "), but all the work of Moses and some of his contemporaries.

In the criticism of the Pentateuch his most influential and enduring contributions to criticism are his proof that Deuteronomy is a work of the 7th century B.C., and his insistence that the theory of the Mosaic origin of all the institutions described in the Pentateuch is incompatible with the history of Israel as described in the historical books, Judges, Samuel and Kings.

Nay more, the reception of the book of Deuteronomy by king and people in the eighteenth year of Josiah shows what a hold the prophetic teaching had on the popular conscience..

But the great prophets disallowed this claim, and the distinction which they draw between true prophecy and divination is recognized not only in the prophetical law of Deuteronomy but in earlier parts of the Pentateuch and historical books.

In 1529 the manuscript translation of Deuteronomy is mentioned as having perished with his other books and papers in a shipwreck which he suffered on the coast of Holland, on his way to Hamburg.

This is known as the Commination service, its distinctive element being the solemn reading of "the general sentences of God's cursing against sinners, gathered out of the seven and twentieth chapter of Deuteronomy, and other places of Scripture."

A distinction is drawn in Deuteronomy between the ordinary annual tithe, which may not have been a full tenth, and the "whole" or "full tithe," paid once in three 1 For other instances see Spencer, De legibus hebraeorum, lib.

The priests of the sanctuaries had of old a share in the sacrificial feasts,' and among those who are to share in the triennial tithe Deuteronomy includes the Levites, i.e.

No one complains of the civil laws in Exodus or the sacrificial ritual in Leviticus, because they want the fire of Isaiah or the tenderness of Deuteronomy.

We know from Deuteronomy viii.

At present the "Ten Words" stand in the forefront of E's collection of laws, and it is evident that they were already found in that position by the author of Deuteronomy, who treated them as the sole basis of the covenant at Horeb.

The evidence, However, afforded (a) by the parallel version of Deuteronomy and (b) by the literary analysis of J and E not only fails to support this tradition, but excites the gravest suspicions as to the originality both of the form and of the position in which the Decalogue now appears.

Hence we can only conclude that the Decalogue, in its original short form, came into existence during the period after the completion of E, but before the promulgation of Deuteronomy.

Its present position is, doubtless, to be ascribed to a redactor who was influenced by the same conception as the author of Deuteronomy.

In Deuteronomy the command is based on the duty of humanity to servants and the memory of Egyptian bondage.

As few scholars will now claim priority for the text of Deuteronomy, this division may be viewed as exploded.

The answer to this question must start from the reason annexed to the fourth commandment, which is different in Deuteronomy.

On the other hand the reason annexed in Deuteronomy is rather a parenetic addition than an original element dropped in Exodus.

Founded upon the book of Deuteronomy, it is brief and unpoetical.

The simplicity of the legislation (traditionally associated with Moab and Sinai and with Kadesh in South Palestine), the humanitarian and reforming spirit, the condemnation of abuses and customs are features which, in view of the background and scope of Deuteronomy, can hardly be severed from the internal events which connect Palestine of the Assyrian supremacy with the time of Nehemiah.'

It is in general agreement with the spirit as also with the language of Deuteronomy, and on this account this section may be conveniently called "the Deuteronomic Book of Judges."

The Tao-teh-king, or book of aphorisms on " the Tao and virtue " ascribed to Lao Tsze, is wholly unlike such a composition as Deuteronomy; and the disciples of Confucius carefully refrained from attributing to him any kind of supernatural inspiration in his conversations about social and personal morality.

This is perhaps the same as the Bezer mentioned in Deuteronomy and Joshua as a levitical city and a city of refuge.

He was indeed not at first a complete pessimist, but to be a preacher of Deuteronomy required a sanguine temper which a prophet of the school of Isaiah could not possess.

If therefore Jeremiah aimed at Deuteronomy in the severe language of viii.8, he went too far.

While the English version follows the Septuagint directly in speaking of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus and Deuteronomy, it follows the Vulgate in speaking of Numbers.

Rabbinic erudition could not forget the repression of vicious desires in the tenth commandment, the stress laid in Deuteronomy on the necessity of service to God, or the inculcation by later prophets of humility and faith.

But Biblical facts have at last triumphed over tradition, and the non-Mosaic authorship of Deuteronomy is now a commonplace of criticism.

In the 17th century the characteristics which so clearly mark off Deuteronomy from the other four books of the Pentateuch were frankly recognized, but the most advanced critics of that age were inclined to pronounce it the earliest and most authentic of the five.

In the beginning of the 19th century de Wette startled the religious world by declaring that Deuteronomy, so far from being Mosaic, was not known till the time of Josiah.

Hence Leviticus, so far from belonging to an earlier stratum of the Pentateuch than Deuteronomy, as de Wette thought, must belong to a much later stratum, and be at least exilic, if not post-exilic.

The title "Deuteronomy" is due to a mistranslation by the Septuagint of the clause in chap. xvii.

It was long supposed to mean the whole of our present Deuteronomy; indeed, it is on that supposition that the traditional view of the Mosaic authorship is based.

Deuteronomy is not the work of any single writer but the result of a long process of development.

The original Deuteronomy, D, read to King Josiah, cannot have been so large as our present book, for not only could it be read at a single sitting, but it could be easily read twice in one day.

This appendix, containing, as it does, manifest traces of P, proves that even Deuteronomy was not put into its present form until after the exile.

In estimating the religious value of Deuteronomy it should never be forgotten that upon this passage the greatest eulogy ever pronounced on any scripture was pronounced by Christ himself, when he said "on these words hang all the law and the prophets," and it is also well to remember that when tempted in the wilderness he repelled each suggestion of the Tempter by a quotation from Deuteronomy.

From this single instance we see not only how far mankind has travelled along the path of religious toleration since Deuteronomy was written, but also how very far the criticism implied in Christ's method of dealing with what "was said to them of old time" may be legitimately carried.

For an exhaustive detailed study has revealed many signs of diversity of authorship which combine to show that the book is due to the incorporation of older material in two main redactions; one deeply imbued with the language and thought of Deuteronomy itself (D), the other of the post-exilic priestly circle (P) which gave the Pentateuch its present form.

All these passages are now due to D; but not only is Deuteronomy itself composite, a twofold redaction can be traced in Judges, Samuel and Kings, thus involving the deeper literary problems of Joshua with the historical books generally.'

There are traces 1 The close relation between what may be called the Deuteronomic history (Joshua - Kings) and its introduction (the legal book of Deuteronomy) independently show the difficulty of supporting the traditional date ascribed to the latter.

The main redaction of Judges and Kings was made under the influence of the ideas which characterize Deuteronomy, that is, after the reforms ascribed to Josiah (2 Kings xxiii.); but in Samuel the " Deuteronomistic " hand is much less prominent and the chronological system which runs through Judges and Kings occurs only sporadically.

Somewhat later (c. 550) the combined document JE was edited by a writer under the influence of Deuteronomy, the later parts of the books of Samuel were written, parts of Isaiah, the books of Obadiah, Haggai, Zeyhariah and perhaps the later Proverbs.

They identify with Deuteronomy the law-roll which explains the noteworthy reforms of Josiah (§ 16); but since it is naturally admitted that religious conditions had become quite inconsistent with Mosaism, the conservative view implies that the " long-lost " Deuteronomy must have differed profoundly from any known Mosaic writings to which earlier pious kings and prophets had presumably adhered.

In the 7th century B.C., during the reign of either Manasseh or Josiah, the narrative of " JE " was enlarged by the addition of the discourses of Deuteronomy.

The ideal of Deuteronomy is a community of which every member is full of love and reverence towards his God, and of sympathy and regard for his fellow-men.

The compilers of Judges and Kings are also (see below) strongly influenced by Deuteronomy.

In Deuteronomy, "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife," comes first, and "house" following in association with field is to be taken in the literal restricted sense, and another verb ("thou shalt not desire") is used.

Aside from writing disparagingly of wizards, sorcerers and mediums - one section, Deuteronomy in particular, outlines a specific psychic test to determine whether or not a "seer" is truly a prophet.

The main part of the book of Deuteronomy was "found" shortly before 621 B.C. and about the same time appeared the prophets Jeremiah and Zephaniah, and perhaps the book of Ruth.

This involves the view that the historical traditions are mainly due to two characteristic though very complicated recensions, one under the influence of the teaching of Deuteronomy (Joshua to Kings, see § 20), the other, of a more priestly character (akin to Leviticus), of somewhat later date (Genesis to Joshua, with traces in Judges to Kings, see § 23).

Next, the Judaean compiler regularly finds in Israel's troubles the punishment for its schismatic idolatry; nor does he spare Judah, but judges its kings by a standard which agrees with the standpoint of Deuteronomy and is scarcely earlier than the end of the 7th century B.C. (§§ 16, 20).