Cavour Sentence Examples

Elected deputy in 1861, his anger against Cavour found violent expression.

The Piedmontese government rightly regarded this measure as a violation of the peace treaty of 1850, and Cavour recalled the Piedmontese minister from Vienna, an action which was endorsed by Italian public opinion generally, and won the approval of France and England.

One section of public opinion desired to make Piedmonts co-operation subject to definite promises by the Powers; but the latter refused to bind, themselves, and both Victor Emmanuel and Cavour realized that, even without such promises, participation would give Piedmont a claim.

Everything turned out as Cavour had hoped.

The Piedmontese troops distinguished themselves in the field, gaining the sympathies of the French and English; and at the subsequent congress of Paris (1856), where Cavour himself was Sardinian representative, the Italian question was discussed, and the intolerable oppression of the Italian peoples by Austria and the despots ventilated.

In Piedmont itself it was at first less successful; and Cavour, although he aspired ultimately to a united Italy with Rome as the capital,1 openly professed no ambition beyond the expulsion of Austria and the formation of a North Italian kingdom.

The king, too, was in close sympathy with the societys aims, but for the present it was necessary to hide this attitude from the eyes of the Powers, whose sympathy Cavour could only hope to gain by professing hostility to everything that savoured of revolution.

Expelling Lafarina and driving out Depretis, who represented Cavour, Garibaldi routed the Neapolitans at Milazzo on the 10th of July.

This same year (1850) Cavour, who had been in parliament avour.

But DAzeglio was not equal to the situation, and he, too, resigned in November 1852; whereupon the king appointed Cavour prime minister, a position which with short intervals he held until his death.

Cavour now set himself to the task of isolating Austria and securing an alliance for her expulsion.

Hence his hesitations and vacillations, which Cavour steadily worked to overcome.

To this course Napoleon consented, to the despair of King Victor Emmanuel and Cavour, who saw in this a proof that he wished to back out of his engagement and make war impossible.

Urged by a peremptory message from Napoleon, Cavour saw the necessity of bowing to the will of Europe, of disbanding the volunteers and reducing the army to a peace footing.

Cavour was filled with joy at the turn affairs had taken, for Austria now appeared as the aggressor.

Victor Emmanuel regretfully signed the peace preliminaries, adding, however, pour ce qui me concerne (which meant that he made no undertaking with regard to central Italy), and Cavour resigned office.

But here Cavour intervened, for he was determined to maintain the annexations, at all costs.

In January 1866 the Rattazzi ministry fell, after completing the fusion of Lombardy with Piedmont, and Cavour was again summoned by the king to the head of affairs.

The negotiations were long drawn out; for Cavour struggled to save Nice and Napoleon was anxious to make conditions, especially as regards Tuscany.

Three weeks later the treaty of Turin ceding Savoy and Nice to France was ratified, though not without much opposition, and Cavour was fiercely reviled for his share in the transaction, especially by Garibaldi, who even contemplated an expedition to Nice, but was induced to desist by the king.

The preparations for the expedition, openly made, were viewed by Cavour with mixed feelings.

King Victor Emmanuel and Cavour both wrote to Garibaldi urging him not to spoil all by aiming at too much.

But Garibaldi poured scorn on all suggestions of compromise; and Cavour saw that the situation could only be saved by the armed participation of Piedmont in the liberation of south Italy.

Garibaldi, elected member for Naples, ouficed Cavour in unmeasured terms for his treatment of the inteers and for the cession of Nic,e, accusing him of leading country to civil war.

Zanichellis Scritti del Conte di Cavour (Bologna, 1892) are very important, and so are Prince Metternichs 7ff moires (7 vols., Paris, f881).

The administration which thus fell was unquestionably the most important since the death of Cavour.

Isaac Artom was Cavour's secretary, L' Olper a counsellor of Mazzini.

In 1859 he returned to Italy, where he opposed Cavour, and upheld federalism against the policy of a single Italian monarchy.

A supporter of Cavour until the latter's death he joined the party of Rattazzi and became under-secretary of state for public works in the Rattazzi cabinet of 1862.

In 1860, with the Cavour party, he opposed the work of Garibaldi, Crispi and Bertani at Naples, and became secretary of Luigi Carlo Farini during the latter's lieutenancy, but in 1865 assumed contemporaneously the editorship of the Perseveranza of Milan and the chair of Latin literature at Florence.

After the fall of Palermo, Crispi was appointed minister of the interior and of finance in the Sicilian provisional government, but was shortly afterwards obliged to resign on account of the struggle between Garibaldi and the emissaries of Cavour with regard to the question of immediate annexation.

Appointed secretary to Garibaldi, Crispi secured the resignation of Depretis, whom Garibaldi had appointed pro-dictator, and would have continued his fierce opposition to Cavour at Naples, where he had been placed by Garibaldi in the foreign office, had not the advent of the Italian regular troops and the annexation of the Two Sicilies to Italy brought about Garibaldi's withdrawal to Caprera and Crispi's own resignation.

In May 1852 he became minister of finance in the reconstructed d'Azeglio cabinet, and later minister of education in that of Cavour.

He strongly supported Cavour's Crimean policy (1855), and when General La Marmora departed in command of the expeditionary force and Cavour took the war office, Cibrario was made minister for foreign affairs.

He conducted the business of the department with great skill, and ably seconded Cavour in bringing about the admission of Piedmont to the congress of Paris on an equal footing with the great powers.

Two articles in the Westminster Review, one on the Italian question, which procured him the special thanks of Cavour, the other on Essays and Reviews, which had the probably undesigned effect of stimulating the attack on the book, attracted especial notice.

He was elected member of the first Piedmontese parliament and was a strenuous supporter of Cavour; during the Crimean campaign he took General La Marmora's place as war minister.

There he became convinced that it was only through the House of Savoy that Italy could be liberated, and he expounded his views in Cavour's paper Il Risorgimento, in La Frusta and Il Piemonte, of which latter he was at one time editor.

Cavour died in 1861, and the following year Farini succeeded Rattazzi as premier, in which office he endeavoured to carry out Cavour's policy.

In January 1860 Fanti became minister of war and marine under Cavour, and incorporated the League's army in that of Piedmont.

The great Cavour canal is drawn from the left bank of the Po a few miles below Turin, and it is carried right across the drainage of the country.

Like the Cavour canal, the Villoresi is taken across the drainage of the country, entailing a number of very bold and costly works.

The system is due to the ability of the great Count Cavour; what he originated in Piedmont has been also carried out in Lombardy.

As an officer of engineers he replaced Cavour in 1831 at the fortress of Bardo.

A similar road, the Via di Circonvallazione a Mare, was laid out in 18 93189S on the site of the outer ramparts, and skirts the seafront from the Piazza Cavour to the mouth of the Bisagno, thence ascending the right bank to the Ponte Pila.

Already the isolation of Austria had been conspicuous in the congress of Paris, where Cavour, the Sardinian plenipotentiary, laid bare before assembled Europe the scandal of her rule in Italy.

The campaign of 1859, and the diplomatic events that led up to it, are dealt with elsewhere (see Italy, Italian Wars, Napoleon Iii., Cavour).

It lies on the north side of a huge isolated mass of granite (the Rocca di Cavour) which rises from the plain.

The town gave its name to the Benso family of Chieri, who were raised to the marquisate in 1771, and of which the statesman Cavour was a member.

He was minister of Public Works under Cavour in 1860-1861, in 1864 under La Marmora, and down to 1867 under Ricasoli.

Summoned to Paris by Cavour in 1856 to prepare the memorandum on the Romagna provinces for the Paris congress, he was in 1859 appointed by Cavour secretary-general of the Piedmontese Foreign Office.

Appointed Piedmontese minister of the interior, he resigned office shortly after Cavour's death, but was subsequently chosen to be minister of finance by Farini, whom he succeeded as premier in 1863.

In July further reinforcements of volunteers under Cosenz and Medici, assisted by Cavour, arrived at Palermo with a good supply of arms furnished by subscription in northern Italy.

Cavour's attempt to bring about the annexation of Sicily to Sardinia failed, for Garibaldi wished to use the island as a basis for an invasion of the mainland.

He bitterly attacked Cavour for his unitarian views, and for the cession of Nice and Savoy.

On the conclusion of peace he entered the Piedmontese foreign office; he accompanied Victor Emmanuel and Cavour to Paris and London in 1855, and in the following year he took part in the conference of Paris by which the Crimean War was brought to an end.

Nigra was sent to Paris again to popularize a Franco-Piedmontese alliance, Nigra being, as Cavour said, "the only person perhaps who knows all my thoughts, even the most secret."

In 1860 he went to Sicily on a mission to reconcile the policy of Cavour (who desired the immediate incorporation of the island in the kingdom of Italy) with that of Garibaldi, who wished to postpone the Sicilian plebiscite until after the liberation of Naples and Rome.

Elected Italian deputy in 1861, he succeeded Cavour in the premiership. As premier he admitted the Garibaldian volunteers to the regular army, revoked the decree of exile against Mazzini, and attempted reconciliation with the Vatican; but his efforts were rendered ineffectual by the non possumus of the pope.

His election as president of the chamber in 1852 was one of the earliest results of the so-called "connubio" with Cavour, i.

Before the war he had arranged with Count Cavour that France should receive, as the price of her aid, the duchy of Savoy and the county of Nice.

Count Cavour consented to pay the price which Napoleon thus exacted, and the frontier of France v as accordingly extended to the Alps.

He believed in Italian unity when most men, even Cavour, regarded it as a vain thing, and his work of propaganda by means of the National Society greatly contributed to the success of the cause.

Victor Emmanuel was obliged to recall the royal commissioners, but together with Cavour he secretly encouraged the provisional governments to resist the return of the despots, and the constituent assemblies of Tuscany, Romagna and the duchies voted for annexation to Sardinia.

A Central Italian military league and a customs union were formed, and Cavour having overcome Napoleon's opposition by ceding Nice and Savoy, the king accepted the annexations and appointed his kinsman, Prince Carignano, viceroy of Central Italy with Ricasoli as governor-general (March 22, 1860).

Having reconstriicted the Piedmontese army, he took part in the war of 1859 against Austria; and in July of that year succeeded Cavour in the premiership. In 1860 he was sent to Berlin and St Petersburg to arrange for the recognition of the kingdom of Italy, and subsequently he held the offices of governor of Milan and royal lieutenant at Naples, until, in September 1864, he succeeded Minghetti as premier.

Sent by Garibaldi to Tuscany, he attempted to invade the Papal States with a volunteer brigade, but his followers were disarmed and disbanded by Ricasoli and Cavour.

This same year, Cavour was appointed minister of agriculture in D'Azeglio's cabinet, and in 1852, after the fall of the latter, he became prime minister, a post which with brief interruptions he held until his death.

In having Cavour as his chief adviser Victor Emmanuel was most fortunate, and but for that statesman's astounding diplomatic genius the liberation of Italy would have been impossible.

Among other reforms the abolition of the foro ecclesiastico (privileged ecclesiastical courts) brought down a storm of hostility from the Church both on the king and on Cavour, but both remained firm in sustaining the prerogatives of the civil power.

When the Crimean War broke out, the king strongly supported Cavour in the proposal that Piedmont should join France and England against Russia so as to secure a place in the councils of the great Powers and establish a claim on them for eventual assistance in Italian affairs (1854).

In 1859 Cavour's diplomacy succeeded in drawing Napoleon III.

Even then Napoleon would not decide on immediate hostilities, and it required all Cavour's genius to bring him to the point and lead Austria into a declaration of war (April 1859).

When Cavour heard the news he hurried to the king's headquarters at Monzambano, and in violent, almost disrespectful language implored him to continue the campaign at all hazards, relying on his own army and the revolutionary movement in the rest of Italy.

Cavour resigned office, and by the peace of Zurich (loth of November 1859) Austria ceded Lombardy to Piedmont but retained Venetia; the central Italian princes who had been deposed by the revolution were to be reinstated, and Italy formed into a confederation of independent states.

But this solution was most unacceptable to Italian public opinion, and both the king and Cavour determined to assist the people in preventing its realization, and consequently entered into secret relations with the revolutionary governments of Tuscany, the duchies and of Romagna.

Then, on Cavour's advice, King Victor decided to participate himself in the occupation of Neapolitan territory, lest Garibaldi's entourage should proclaim the republic or create anarchy.

During the next few years he was chiefly occupied with Italian affairs, in which he was much interested, and Cavour said of him he was an Italian at heart.

Cavour, however, obliged the expedition to sail for Palermo.

Cavour's successor, Ricasoli, enrolled the Garibaldians in the regular army; Rattazzi, who succeeded Ricasoli, urged Garibaldi to undertake an expedition in aid of the Hungarians, but Garibaldi, finding his followers ill-disposed towards the idea, decided to turn his arms against Rome.

Consequently negotiations with Cavour were resumed, and a meeting with him was arranged to take place at Plombires (20th and 21st of July 1858).

Lord Malmesbury urged the Sardinian government to yield; but Cavour refused to disarm, or to accept the principle of a congress, unless Piedmont were admitted to it on equal terms with the other Powers.

Cavour well knew the unpopularity that would fall upon him by consenting to the cession of Nice, the birthplace of Garibaldi, and Savoy, the cradle of the royal house; but he realized the necessity of the sacrifice, if central Italy was to be won.

But Garibaldi, who wished to keep a free hand, distrusted Cavour and scorned all counsels of expediency, refused to agree; Sicily was the necessary base for his projected invasion of Naples; it would be time enough to announce its union with Piedmont when Victor Emmanuel had been proclaimed king of United Italy in Rome.

Foiled by the dictators stubbornness, Cavour had once more to take to underhand methods; and, while continuing futile negotiations with King Francis, sent his agents into Naples to stir up disaffection and create a sentiment in favor of national unity strong enough, in any event, to force Garibaldis hand.

After defeating a large Neapolitan force at Mola and organizing the siege operations round Gaeta, Fanti returned to the war office at Turin to carry out important army reforms. His attitude in opposing the admission of Garibaldi's 7000 officers into the regular army with their own grades made him the object of great unpopularity for a time, and led to a severe reprimand from Cavour.

Once established at Palermo, Garibaldi organized an army to liberate Naples and march upon Rome, a plan opposed by the emissaries of Cavour, who desired the immediate annexation of Sicily to the Italian kingdom.