Green, however, continued to edit it in the Calhoun interest until 1835, and gave vigorous support to that leader's nullification views.
On the death of John C. Calhoun in 1850 the state, under the leadership of Jefferson Davis, began to rival South Carolina as leader of the extreme pro-slavery States' Rights faction.
Henry Clay, the speaker, appointed him a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, of which John C. Calhoun was chairman, and for some forty years these three constituted a great triumvirate in American politics.
The tariff of 1828 aroused bitter opposition in South Carolina, and called from Vice-President Calhoun the statement of the doctrine of nullification which was adopted by the South Carolina legislature at the close of the year and is known as the South Carolina Exposition.
The rejection, ostensibly attributed in large part to Van Buren's instructions to Louis McLane, the American minister to England, regarding the opening of the West India trade, in which reference had been made to the results of the election of 1828, was in fact the work of Calhoun, the vice-president; and when the vote was taken enough of the majority refrained from voting to produce a tie and give Calhoun his longed-for "vengeance."
Calhoun was vice-president of the United States from 1825 to 1832, during the administration of John Quincy Adams, and during most of the first administration of Andrew Jackson.
In the quarrel between Jackson and John C. Calhoun, Green supported the latter, and through the columns of the Telegraph violently attacked the administration.
In September 1844 Calhoun, then secretary of state, sent Green to Texas ostensibly as consul at Galveston, but actually, it appears, to report to the administration, then considering the question of the annexation of Texas, concerning the political situation in Texas and Mexico.
At the beginning of the quarrel of the North and the South over the organization of the territory acquired from Mexico, Calhoun contended that the Constitution of the United States extended over this territory and carried slavery with it, but Webster denied this on the ground that the territory was the property of, not part of, the United States, and Webster's view prevailed.
In 1823 it was platted, and was named Calhoun in honour of John C. Calhoun, but this name was not popular and the former name was soon restored.
He skilfully avoided entanglement in the Jackson-Calhoun imbroglio.
After the breach between Jackson and Calhoun, Van Buren was clearly the most prominent candidate for the vice-presidency.
Calhoun, bitterly hostile to the last, objected to the usual vote of thanks to the retiring vice-president, but withdrew his objection.
He was an ardent admirer of John C. Calhoun, and eventually became his successor as the leader of the South.
Jefferson, Madison, John Quincy Adams, Calhoun, and Benton all speak loudly in Monroe's praise; but he suffers by comparison with the greater statesmen of his time.
C. Calhoun, the states had entered into an agreement from which they might withdraw if its terms were broken, and they were sovereign.
The goal of the discussion was to nullify the Tariff Act of 1832.
Which, in the course of four years, was occupied successively by Messrs Webster, Legare, Upshur, Calhoun and Buchanan.
Pierce was not a great statesman, and his fame has been overshadowed by that of Benton, Calhoun, Clay and Webster.
The school was never incorporated, it had no buildings, and the lectures were delivered in the law offices of its instructors, but among its 1000 or more students were many who afterwards became famous, including John C. Calhoun; Levi Woodbury (1789-1851), United States senator from New Hampshire in1825-1831and in 1841-1845, secretary of the navy in 1831-1834 and of the treasury in 1834-1841, and a justice of the United States Supreme Court from 1845; John Y.
The second cause is the Civil War of 186f65, which practically negatived the far-reaching claims of state sovereignty and the right of secession made by statesmen of the type of Calhoun, and showed that the nation was really much stronger than any group of states.
Until 1832 there was only one party in the state, the Democratic, but the question of nullification caused a division that year into the (Jackson) Democratic party and the State's Rights (Calhoun Democratic) party; about the same time, also, there arose, chiefly in those counties where the proportion of slaves to freemen was greater and the freemen were most aristocratic, the Whig party.
But he followed Jackson rather than Calhoun, and above everything else set his love of the Union, though believing the South to be grievously wronged.
The vigorous course of the president towards South Carolina, however, led him, after 1833, to act more and more with the opposition which presently became the Whig party; but he was never at heart a Whig, at least as Whig principles came later to be defined, and his place is with the Democrats of the Calhoun school.
ALBION, a city of Calhoun county, Michigan, U.S.A., on the Kalamazoo river, 21 m.
BATTLE CREEK, a city of Calhoun county, Michigan, U.S.A., at the confluence of the Kalamazoo river with Battle Creek, about 48 m.
As his second term drew to a close, there was a great lack of good feeling among his official advisers, three of whom - Adams, secretary of state, Calhoun, secretary of war, and Crawford, secretary of the treasury - aspired to succeed him in his high office.
Calhoun was nominated for the vice-presidency.
Adams. The administration itself had two factions in it from the first, the faction of Van Buren, the secretary of state in 1829-1831, and that of Calhoun, vice-president in 1829-1832.
The refusal of the wives of the cabinet and of Mrs Calhoun to accord social recognition to Mrs J.
Jackson in the meantime had learned that Calhoun as secretary of war had wished to censure him for his actions during the Seminole war in Florida in 1818, and henceforth he regarded the South Carolina statesman as his enemy.
1 Thirty years later Madison's arguments for the Virginia resolutions and the resolutions themselves were freely used by Calhoun and his followers in support of his doctrine of nullification.
Madison's theory was that the legislature of Virginia, being one of the bodies which had chosen delegates to the constitutional convention, was legally capable of considering the question of the constitutionality of laws passed by the Federal government, and that the state of Virginia might invite other states to join her, but could not singly, as Calhoun argued, declare any law of the Federal legislature null and void.
JOHN CALDWELL CALHOUN (1782-1850), American statesman and parliamentarian, was born, of Scottish-Irish descent, in Abbeville District, South Carolina, on the 18th of March 1782.
His father, Patrick Calhoun, is said to have been born in Donegal, in North Ireland, but to have left Ireland when a mere child.
Patrick Calhoun attained some prominence in the colony, serving in the colonial legislature, and afterwards in the state legislature, and taking part in the War of Independence.
Fortunately, young Calhoun had the opportunity, although late, of studying under his brother-in-law, the Rev. Moses Waddell (1770-1840), a Presbyterian minister, who afterwards, from 1819 to 1829, was president of the University of Georgia.
In 1802 Calhoun entered the junior class in Yale College, and graduated with distinction in 1804.
In less than three weeks the committee reported resolutions, evidently written by Calhoun, recommending preparations for a struggle with Great Britain; and in the following June Calhoun submitted a second report urging a formal declaration of war.
Clay and Calhoun did more, probably, than any other two men in Congress to force the reluctant president into beginning hostilities.
In 1816 Calhoun delivered in favour of a protective tariff a speech that was ever held up by his opponents as evidence of his inconsistency in the tariff controversy.
Calhoun, believing that there was a natural tendency in the United States towards the development of manufactures, supported the Tariff Bill of 1816, which laid on certain foreign commodities duties higher than were necessary for the purposes of revenue.
From 1817 to 1825 Calhoun was secretary of war under President Monroe.
This period was for Calhoun a time of reflection.
Calhoun himself now perceived that the North and the South represented diverse tendencies.
Such doctrines were not original with Calhoun, but had been held in various parts of the Union from time to time.
Meantime the friendship between Calhoun and Jackson had come to an end.
While a member of President Monroe's cabinet, Calhoun had favoured the reprimanding of General Jackson (q.v.) for his high-handed course in Florida in 1818, during the first Seminole War.
Crawford, who had been a member of this cabinet, desiring to ruin Calhoun politically by turning Jackson's hostility against him, revealed to Jackson what had taken place thirteen years before.
Jackson could brook no criticism from one whom he had considered a friend; Calhoun, moreover, angered the president still further by his evident sanction of the social proscription of Mrs Eaton (q.v.); the political views of the two men, furthermore, were becoming more and more divergent, and the rupture between the two became complete.
The failure of the Jackson administration to reduce the Tariff of 1828 drew from Calhoun his "Address to the People of South Carolina" in 1831, in which he elaborated his views of the nature of the Union as given in the "Exposition."
The people of South Carolina were not satisfied, and Calhoun in a third political tract, in the form of a letter to Governor James Hamilton (1786-1857) of South Carolina, gave his doctrines their final form, but without altering the fundamental principles that have already been stated.
On the 28th of December 1832 Calhoun resigned as vice-president, and on the 3rd of January 1833 took his seat in the Senate.
Calhoun, in turn, introduced resolutions upholding the doctrine held by South Carolina, and it was in the debate on the first-named measure, termed the "Force Bill," and on these resolutions, that the first intellectual duel took place between Daniel Webster and Calhoun.
Webster declared that the Federal government through the Supreme Court was the ultimate expounder and interpreter of its own powers, while Calhoun championed the rights of the individual state under a written contract which reserved to each state its sovereignty.
As the result of the conflict, Calhoun was greatly strengthened in his position as the leader of his party in the South.
Southern leaders generally were now beginning to perceive, as Calhoun had already seen, that there was a permanent conflict between the North and the South, not only a divergence of interests between manufacturing and agricultural sections, but an inevitable struggle between free and slave labour.
Any criticism of their peculiar institution now came to be highly offensive to Southern leaders, and Calhoun, who always took the most advanced stand in behalf of Southern rights urged (but in vain) that the Senate refuse to receive abolitionist petitions.
Indeed from 1832 until his death Calhoun may be said to have devoted his life to the protection of Southern interests.
Calhoun was re-elected to the Senate in 1834 and in 1840, serving until 1843.
Calhoun was once more elected to the Senate in 1845.
In the midst of the debate on this application Calhoun died, on the 31st of March 1850, in Washington.
Calhoun is most often compared with Webster and Clay.
Calhoun possessed neither Webster's brilliant rhetoric nor his easy versatility, but he surpassed him in the ordered method and logical sequence of his mind.