Calhoun Sentence Examples

Henry Clay, the speaker, appointed him a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, of which John C. Calhoun was chairman, and for some forty years these three constituted a great triumvirate in American politics.

The tariff of 1828 aroused bitter opposition in South Carolina, and called from Vice-President Calhoun the statement of the doctrine of nullification which was adopted by the South Carolina legislature at the close of the year and is known as the South Carolina Exposition.

The rejection, ostensibly attributed in large part to Van Buren's instructions to Louis McLane, the American minister to England, regarding the opening of the West India trade, in which reference had been made to the results of the election of 1828, was in fact the work of Calhoun, the vice-president; and when the vote was taken enough of the majority refrained from voting to produce a tie and give Calhoun his longed-for "vengeance."

Calhoun was vice-president of the United States from 1825 to 1832, during the administration of John Quincy Adams, and during most of the first administration of Andrew Jackson.

In the quarrel between Jackson and John C. Calhoun, Green supported the latter, and through the columns of the Telegraph violently attacked the administration.

Green, however, continued to edit it in the Calhoun interest until 1835, and gave vigorous support to that leader's nullification views.

In September 1844 Calhoun, then secretary of state, sent Green to Texas ostensibly as consul at Galveston, but actually, it appears, to report to the administration, then considering the question of the annexation of Texas, concerning the political situation in Texas and Mexico.

On the death of John C. Calhoun in 1850 the state, under the leadership of Jefferson Davis, began to rival South Carolina as leader of the extreme pro-slavery States' Rights faction.

At the beginning of the quarrel of the North and the South over the organization of the territory acquired from Mexico, Calhoun contended that the Constitution of the United States extended over this territory and carried slavery with it, but Webster denied this on the ground that the territory was the property of, not part of, the United States, and Webster's view prevailed.

In 1823 it was platted, and was named Calhoun in honour of John C. Calhoun, but this name was not popular and the former name was soon restored.

After the breach between Jackson and Calhoun, Van Buren was clearly the most prominent candidate for the vice-presidency.

Calhoun, bitterly hostile to the last, objected to the usual vote of thanks to the retiring vice-president, but withdrew his objection.

He was an ardent admirer of John C. Calhoun, and eventually became his successor as the leader of the South.

Jefferson, Madison, John Quincy Adams, Calhoun, and Benton all speak loudly in Monroe's praise; but he suffers by comparison with the greater statesmen of his time.

C. Calhoun, the states had entered into an agreement from which they might withdraw if its terms were broken, and they were sovereign.

Pierce was not a great statesman, and his fame has been overshadowed by that of Benton, Calhoun, Clay and Webster.

The second cause is the Civil War of 186f65, which practically negatived the far-reaching claims of state sovereignty and the right of secession made by statesmen of the type of Calhoun, and showed that the nation was really much stronger than any group of states.

Until 1832 there was only one party in the state, the Democratic, but the question of nullification caused a division that year into the (Jackson) Democratic party and the State's Rights (Calhoun Democratic) party; about the same time, also, there arose, chiefly in those counties where the proportion of slaves to freemen was greater and the freemen were most aristocratic, the Whig party.

But he followed Jackson rather than Calhoun, and above everything else set his love of the Union, though believing the South to be grievously wronged.

The vigorous course of the president towards South Carolina, however, led him, after 1833, to act more and more with the opposition which presently became the Whig party; but he was never at heart a Whig, at least as Whig principles came later to be defined, and his place is with the Democrats of the Calhoun school.

As his second term drew to a close, there was a great lack of good feeling among his official advisers, three of whom - Adams, secretary of state, Calhoun, secretary of war, and Crawford, secretary of the treasury - aspired to succeed him in his high office.

His political views were determined by the ultra-democratic influence of Andrew Jackson and the state-sovereignty philosophy of John C. Calhoun.

A bill, known as the Force Bill, was introduced in the Senate, and in the debate upon it Webster had an encounter with Calhoun.

Consequently, although a skilful political organizer, he incurred the bitter enmity of other leaders of his time - Jackson, Adams and Calhoun.

Calhoun was nominated for the vice-presidency.

Adams. The administration itself had two factions in it from the first, the faction of Van Buren, the secretary of state in 1829-1831, and that of Calhoun, vice-president in 1829-1832.

Jackson in the meantime had learned that Calhoun as secretary of war had wished to censure him for his actions during the Seminole war in Florida in 1818, and henceforth he regarded the South Carolina statesman as his enemy.

Nearly all his arguments, especially where he attempts to interpret Jefferson's writings on the point, notably the Kentucky resolutions, are rather strained and specious, but it does seem that the Virginia resolutions were based on a different idea from Calhoun's doctrine of nullification.

Madison's theory was that the legislature of Virginia, being one of the bodies which had chosen delegates to the constitutional convention, was legally capable of considering the question of the constitutionality of laws passed by the Federal government, and that the state of Virginia might invite other states to join her, but could not singly, as Calhoun argued, declare any law of the Federal legislature null and void.

His father, Patrick Calhoun, is said to have been born in Donegal, in North Ireland, but to have left Ireland when a mere child.

Patrick Calhoun attained some prominence in the colony, serving in the colonial legislature, and afterwards in the state legislature, and taking part in the War of Independence.

Fortunately, young Calhoun had the opportunity, although late, of studying under his brother-in-law, the Rev. Moses Waddell (1770-1840), a Presbyterian minister, who afterwards, from 1819 to 1829, was president of the University of Georgia.

In 1802 Calhoun entered the junior class in Yale College, and graduated with distinction in 1804.

Henry Clay, the speaker of the house, being eager for war and knowing Calhoun's hostility to Great Britain, gave him the second place on the committee of foreign affairs, of which he soon became the actual head.

In less than three weeks the committee reported resolutions, evidently written by Calhoun, recommending preparations for a struggle with Great Britain; and in the following June Calhoun submitted a second report urging a formal declaration of war.

Clay and Calhoun did more, probably, than any other two men in Congress to force the reluctant president into beginning hostilities.

In 1816 Calhoun delivered in favour of a protective tariff a speech that was ever held up by his opponents as evidence of his inconsistency in the tariff controversy.

Calhoun, believing that there was a natural tendency in the United States towards the development of manufactures, supported the Tariff Bill of 1816, which laid on certain foreign commodities duties higher than were necessary for the purposes of revenue.

From 1817 to 1825 Calhoun was secretary of war under President Monroe.

This period was for Calhoun a time of reflection.

Calhoun himself now perceived that the North and the South represented diverse tendencies.

Such doctrines were not original with Calhoun, but had been held in various parts of the Union from time to time.

Meantime the friendship between Calhoun and Jackson had come to an end.

While a member of President Monroe's cabinet, Calhoun had favoured the reprimanding of General Jackson (q.v.) for his high-handed course in Florida in 1818, during the first Seminole War.

Crawford, who had been a member of this cabinet, desiring to ruin Calhoun politically by turning Jackson's hostility against him, revealed to Jackson what had taken place thirteen years before.

Jackson could brook no criticism from one whom he had considered a friend; Calhoun, moreover, angered the president still further by his evident sanction of the social proscription of Mrs Eaton (q.v.); the political views of the two men, furthermore, were becoming more and more divergent, and the rupture between the two became complete.

The failure of the Jackson administration to reduce the Tariff of 1828 drew from Calhoun his "Address to the People of South Carolina" in 1831, in which he elaborated his views of the nature of the Union as given in the "Exposition."

The people of South Carolina were not satisfied, and Calhoun in a third political tract, in the form of a letter to Governor James Hamilton (1786-1857) of South Carolina, gave his doctrines their final form, but without altering the fundamental principles that have already been stated.

On the 28th of December 1832 Calhoun resigned as vice-president, and on the 3rd of January 1833 took his seat in the Senate.

Calhoun, in turn, introduced resolutions upholding the doctrine held by South Carolina, and it was in the debate on the first-named measure, termed the "Force Bill," and on these resolutions, that the first intellectual duel took place between Daniel Webster and Calhoun.

Webster declared that the Federal government through the Supreme Court was the ultimate expounder and interpreter of its own powers, while Calhoun championed the rights of the individual state under a written contract which reserved to each state its sovereignty.

As the result of the conflict, Calhoun was greatly strengthened in his position as the leader of his party in the South.

Southern leaders generally were now beginning to perceive, as Calhoun had already seen, that there was a permanent conflict between the North and the South, not only a divergence of interests between manufacturing and agricultural sections, but an inevitable struggle between free and slave labour.

The Constitution, if strictly interpreted according to Calhoun's views, would secure this control to the minority, and prevent an industrial upheaval.

Any criticism of their peculiar institution now came to be highly offensive to Southern leaders, and Calhoun, who always took the most advanced stand in behalf of Southern rights urged (but in vain) that the Senate refuse to receive abolitionist petitions.

Indeed from 1832 until his death Calhoun may be said to have devoted his life to the protection of Southern interests.

Calhoun was re-elected to the Senate in 1834 and in 1840, serving until 1843.

Calhoun was once more elected to the Senate in 1845.

In the midst of the debate on this application Calhoun died, on the 31st of March 1850, in Washington.

Calhoun is most often compared with Webster and Clay.

Calhoun possessed neither Webster's brilliant rhetoric nor his easy versatility, but he surpassed him in the ordered method and logical sequence of his mind.

Calhoun in person was tall and slender, and in his later years was emaciated.

The biography of Calhoun by Dr Hermann von Holst in the "American Statesmen Series" (Boston, 1882) is a condensed study of the political questions of Calhoun's time.

Pinckney's Life of John C. Calhoun (Charleston, 1903) gives a sympathetic Southern view.

Gaillard Hunt's John C. Calhoun (Philadelphia, 1908) is a valuable work.

Thereafter, until the end of life, and in a field where he met, as either friend or foe, John Quincy Adams, Gallatin, Madison, Monroe, Webster, Jackson, Calhoun, Randolph and Benton, his political activity was wellnigh ceaseless.

When the slave power became more aggressive, in and after the year 1831, Clay defended the right of petition for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and opposed Calhoun's bill forbidding the use of the mails to "abolition" newspapers and documents.

In response, Calhoun extended to him a most hearty welcome, and assigned him to a place on the bench of the penitents.

He opposed the Bank Act of 1816, the "internal improvements" policy of Calhoun (in the early part of his career) and Clay, and the Missouri Compromise, his speech against the last being especially able.

The Wilmot Proviso and the bill to organize the territory of Oregon had already aroused both sections and had given occasion for Webster and Calhoun to state their respective views upon the constitutional questions involved.

Although peace brought a more favourable condition of the money market, Dallas's attempt to fund the treasury notes on a satisfactory basis was unsuccessful, but a bill, reported by Calhoun, as chairman of the committee on national currency, for the establishment of a national bank, became law on the 10th of April 1816.

John C. Calhoun was her political philosopher and George McDuffie her political economist.

Hermann von Holst's John C. Calhoun (Boston, 1892), is written from the extreme nationalistic and anti-slavery point of view.

The numerous small lakes in the city (there are about 200 lakes in Hennepin county) have been incorporated in the park system; among them are Lake Harriet (353 acres; in Lake Harriet Park), Lake Calhoun (on which are extensive public baths), Lake Amelia (295 acres), Lake of the Isles (loo acres), Cedar Lake, Powder Horn Lake (in the park of that name) and Sandy Lake (in Columbia Park).

Calhoun in 1819-1827; in 1825 the government acquired the first Indian lands, and in the 'thirties of the 19th century missionaries began to settle among the tribes; the first Ft.

Iâd like to hear Calhoun fronting a full band, especially bearing in mind his vocal pyrotechnics at the close.

His reply to Calhoun, printed as "The Constitution not a compact between sovereign States," is one of his closest legal arguments, but somewhat overmatched by the keen logic of his adversary.

Webster's support of President Jackson in the South Carolina trouble helped to drive Calhoun into an alliance with Clay; and Clay, whose plan of preserving the Union was by compromise, came forward with a bill for greatly reducing the tariff.

The extent of the burden was greatly exaggerated by the leaders of the South, especially in the heat of partisan controversy; and the subject was closely connected with the controversy as to the rights of the states, and the endeavour of South Carolina, under the influence of Calhoun, to nullify the Tariff Act of 1832.

In 1832 South Carolina, acting in substantial accordance with Calhoun's theories, "nullified" the tariff acts passed by Congress in 1828 and 1832 (see Nullification; South Carolina; and United States).

The Calhoun County Department of Public Records has an index of deaths from the 1930s to the present.