Burke Sentence Examples

With Cromwell as with Burke the question was "whether the spirit of the people of this nation is prepared to go along with it."

The bodies of Burke and Wills were recovered and brought to Melbourne for a solemn public funeral, and a noble monument has been erected to their honour.

At a later date he was charged by Burke with having taken up profitable contracts for supplying bullocks for the use of the Company's troops.

It was rather parliamentary oratory in which he excelled, and his true compeers are rather Burke and Fox than any French speakers.

Mackintosh was soon absorbed in the question of the time; and in April 1791, after long meditation, he published his Vindiciae Gallicae, a reply to Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution.

It was the only worthy answer to Burke that appeared.

It placed the author in the front rank of European publicists, and won him the friendship of some of the most distinguished men of the time, including Burke himself.

Vindiciae Gallicae was the verdict of a philosophic Liberal on the development of the French Revolution up to the spring of 1791, and though the excesses of the revolutionists compelled him a few years after to express his entire agreement with the opinions of Burke, its defence of the "rights of man" is a valuable statement of the cultured Whig's point of view at the time.

To have conceived and carried out a policy which, with certain reservations, Burke himself might have originated and owned, is indeed no small title to regard.

On the 6th of May 1882 the newly appointed chief secretary for Ireland, Lord Frederick Cavendish, and his under-secretary, Mr Burke, were stabbed to death in the Phoenix Park at Dublin.

The death of his father on the 1st of July of that year removed an influence which tended to keep him subordinate to the court, and his friendship for Burke drew him into close alliance with the Rockingham Whigs.

In political allegiance he became a member of the Rockingham party and worked in alliance with the marquis and with Burke, whose influence on him was great.

It had a considerable effect, and prepared the way for the reforms begun by Burke and continued by Pitt.

But if Fox learnt much from Burke he learnt with originality.

He declined to accept the revolution settlement as final, or to think with Burke that the constitution of the House of Commons could not be bettered.

Immense harm was done to both by the publication of a book called The Beauties of Fox, North and Burke, a compilation of their abuse of one another in recent years.

On the 6th of May 1791 occurred the painful scene in the House of Commons, in which Burke renounced his friendship. In 1792 there was some vague talk of a coalition between him and Pitt, which, came to nothing.

It should be noted that the scene with Burke took place in the course of the debate on the Quebec Bill, in which Fox displayed real statesmanship by criticizing the division of Upper from Lower Canada, and other provisions of the bill, which in the end proved so injurious as to be unworkable.

Burke wrote his Vindication of Natural Society in imitation of Bolingbroke's style, but in refutation of his principles; and in the Reflections on the French Revolution he exclaims, "Who now reads Bolingbroke, who ever read him through?"

Burke denies that Bolingbroke's words left "any permanent impression on his mind."

Although excluded by a majority of the House from the list of the managers of that impeachment, Francis was none the less its most energetic promoter, supplying his friends Burke and Sheridan with all the materials for their eloquent orations and burning invectives.

He sympathized warmly and actively with the French revolutionary doctrines, expostulating with Burke on his vehement denunciation of the same.

Sybel had been much influenced by Burke, on whom he had published two essays.

In 1780 Burke made his celebrated attack on the public offices, which resulted in the abolition of the board.

The greater part of the two years which followed the publication of the Wealth of Nations Smith spent in London, enjoying the society of eminent persons, amongst whom were Gibbon, Burke, Reynolds and Topham Beauclerk.

Ulick Ralph Burke's Life of Benito Juarez (London, 1894) is of considerable value and interest.

Trinity College, or Dublin University, fronts the street with a Palladian façade (1759), with two good statues by Foley, of Goldsmith and Burke.

Parliament Square, contains the chapel (1798), with a Corinthian portico, the public theatre or examination hall (1787), containing portraits of Queen Elizabeth, Molyneux, Burke, Bishop Berkeley and other celebrities, and the wainscotted dining hall, also containing portraits.

This tale, which still finds a place in Burke's Peerage in the account of the baron Kingsale, a descendant of the de Courci family, is a legend without historic foundation which did not obtain currency till centuries after John de Courci's death.

South of the Cotton Belt is the Lime Sink Region, which includes Miller, Baker, Mitchell, Colquitt and Worth counties, the northern portions of Decatur, Grady, Thomas, Brooks and Lowndes, the eastern parts of Dooly and Lee, and the eastern portions of Berrien, Irwin, Wilcox, Dodge, and some parts of Burke, Screven and Bulloch.

His views on the French Revolution are denounced by Burke in his Reflections on the Revolution in France.

The highly eulogistic epitaph on his monument at Bushley was written by Edmund Burke.

The chivalry from which Burke drew his ideas was, so far as it existed at all, the product of a far later age.

Accompanied by the faithful Ned Burke and a few other followers, Charles at last gained the wild western coast.

Johnson, not content with turning filthy savages, ignorant of their letters, and gorged with raw steaks cut from living cows, into philosophers as eloquent and enlightened as himself or his friend Burke, and into ladies as highly accomplished as Mrs Lennox or Mrs Sheridan, transferred the whole domestic system of England to Egypt.

Burke parted from him with deep emotion.

Hence, while Godwin thoroughly approved of the philosophic schemes of the precursors of the Revolution, he was as far removed as Burke himself from agreeing with the way in which they were carried out.

In England, after receiving such modifications - attributed to Burke - as adapted it to the purposes of the opposition, this pamphlet ran through many editions, and procured for its author, as he said, "the honour of having his name inserted in a long list of proscriptions enrolled in a bill of attainder commenced in one of the two houses of parliament, but suppressed in embryo by the hasty course of events."

When Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France appeared, in 1790, Paine at once wrote his answer, The Rights of Man first part appeared on the r3th of March 1791, and had an enormous circulation before the government took alarm and endeavoured to suppress it, thereby exciting intense curiosity to see it, even at the risk of heavy penalties.

The House of Commons recognized in him its spoilt child, and Burke happily said that "he never thought, did or said anything" without judging its effect on his fellow members.

Ever and anon a pamphlet issued from the pen of Burke.

To name the Palmeirim d'Inglaterra of Moraes (q.v.) is to mention a famous book from which, we are told, Burke quoted in the House of Commons, while Cervantes had long previously declared that it ought to be guarded as carefully as the works of Homer.

On the contrary, his conduct after his retirement was distinguished by a moderation and disinterestedness which, as Burke has remarked, "set a seal upon his character."

Burke, in a memorable passage of a memorable speech, has described this "chequered and speckled" administration with great humour, speaking of it as "indeed a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch and unsure to stand on."

The Rohillas were defeated by Colonel Champion in April 1774, and the majority of them fled across the Ganges; but the charges of destroying a nation, brought against Hastings by Burke and Macaulay, were greatly exaggerated.

Burke, who regarded him with great affection, said that he had "something high" in his nature, and that it was "a wild stock of pride on which the tenderest of all hearts had grafted the milder virtues."

The copy which belonged originally to Burke is now in the National Gallery.

Canning had the glaring examples of Burke and Sheridan himself to show him that the great "revolution families" - Cavendishes, Russells, Bentincks - who controlled the Whig party, would never allow any man, however able, who did not belong to their connexion, to rise to the first rank.

On the 2nd of May Mr Gladstone announced that the government intended to release Mr Parnell and his fellow-prisoners in Kilmainham, and that both Lord Cowper and Mr Forster had in consequence resigned; and the following Saturday Forster's successor, Lord Frederick Cavendish, was, with Mr Burke, murdered in Phoenix Park.

The man, as Burke said of him, was dead, but the, Grand Alliance survived in which King William lived and reigned.

But it was probably suggested by Edmund Burke, who was then Lord Rockinghams private secretary, but who for some time to come was Burkes to furnish thought to the party to which he attached himself.

Burke carried into the world of theory those politics of expediency of which Walpole had been the practical originator.

Burke gave excellent reasons why those who were certain to go wrong should have the power to go right.

Burke from principle, and his noble patrons mainly from lower motives, were opposed to any such change.

As Burke had wished the British parliament to be supreme over the colonies, in confidence that this supremacy would not be abused, so he wished the great landowning connection resting on the rotten boroughs to ruie over the unrepresented people, in confidence that this power would not be abused.

To this desire Burke gave expression in his bill for economical reform, though he was unable to carry it in the teeth of interested opposition.

Burke, hating wrong and injustice with a bitter hatred, had descried in the government of British India by the East India Company a disgrace to the English name.

Burke drew up a bill, which was adopted by the coalition government, for taking all authority in India out of the hands of the company, and even placing the companys management of its own commercial affairs under control.

Three men, Fox, Burke and Pitt, however, represented three varieties of opinion into which the nation was very unequally divided.

Burke, on the other hand, while he failed to understand the full tendency of the Revolution for good as well as for evil, understood it far better than any Englishman of that day understood it.

There is no doubt that in all this Burke was in the right, as he was in his denunciation of the mischief certain to follow when a nation tries to start afresh, and to blot out all past progress in the light of simple reason, which is often most fallible when it believes itself to be most infallible.

Burke did not content himself with pointing out speculatively the evils which he foreboded for the French.

Pitt occupied ground apart from either Fox or Burke.

Hence, whilst he pronounced against any active interference with France, he was an advocate of peace, not because he saw more than Fox or Burke, but because he saw less.

The reasoning of Burke would, in itself, have done little to effect its disruption.

On the 6th of May 1882 Lord Spencer made his entry into Dublin, and on the evening of the same day Lord Frederick, unwisely allowed to walk home alone with Burke, the undersecretary to the Irish government, was murdered with his companion in Phoenix Park.

The Times, in April 1887, printed the facsimile of a letter purporting to be signed by Parnell, in which he declared that he had no other course open to him but to denounce the Phoenix Park murders, but that, while he regretted the accident of Lord Frederick Cavendishs death, he could not refuse to admit that Burke got no more than his deserts.

Political writing is at its best from Halifax to Cobbett, and its three greatest names are perhaps Swift, Junius and Burke, though Steele, Defoe, Bolingbroke and Dr Johnson are not far behind, while Cannings contributions to the A4nti-Jacobin and Gillrays caricatures require mention.

He had at least one sister, from whom descended the only existing representatives of Burke's family; and he had at least two brothers, Garret Burke and Richard Burke, the one older and the other younger than Edmund.

Burke always looked back on his own connexion with the school at Ballitore as among the most fortunate circumstances of his life.

When Burke had become one of the most famous men in Europe, no visitor to his house was more welcome than the friend with whom long years before he had tried poetic flights, and exchanged all the sanguine confidences of boyhood.

In 1743 Burke became a student at Trinity College, Dublin, where Oliver Goldsmith was also a student at the same time.

Henry Flood, who was two years younger than Burke, had gone to complete his education at Oxford.

Burke, like Goldsmith, achieved no academic distinction.

Of this Burke is a signal illustration.

Burke was always extremely reserved about his private affairs.

All that we know of Burke exhibits him as inspired by a resolute pride, a certain stateliness and imperious elevation of mind.

There is not a tittle of positive evidence for these or any of the other statements to Burke's discredit.

Like a great many other youths with an eminent destiny before them, Burke conceived a strong distaste for the profession of the law.

He withdrew the annual allowance, and Burke set to work to win for himself by indefatigable industry and capability in the public interest that position of power or pre-eminence which his detractors acquired either by accident of birth and connexions or else by the.

Rousseau, whose famous discourse on the evils of civilization had appeared six years before, would have read Burke's ironical vindication of natural society without a suspicion of its irony.

Burke felt now, as he did thirty years later, that civil institutions cannot wisely or safely be measured by the tests of pure reason.

The only interest of the piece for us lies in the proof which it furnishes, that at the opening of his life Burke had the same scornful antipathy to political rationalism which flamed out in such overwhelming passion at its close.

Burke's literary industry in town was relieved by frequent excursions to the western parts of England, in company with William Burke.

There was a lasting intimacy between the two namesakes, and they seem to have been involved together in some important passages of their lives; but we have Edmund Burke's authority for believing that they were probably not kinsmen.

By 1756 the cast of Burke's opinions was decisively fixed, and they underwent no radical change.

Burke's early interest in America was shown by an Account of the European Settlements on that continent.

The execution was as excellent as the conception, and if we reflect that it was begun in the midst of that momentous war which raised England to her climax of territorial greatness in East and West, we may easily realize how the task of describing these portentous and far-reaching events would be likely to strengthen Burke's habits of wide and laborious observation, as well as to give him firmness and confidence in the exercise of his own judgment.

Dodsley gave him £ioo for each annual volume, and the sum was welcome enough, for towards the end of 1756 Burke had married.

Burke, however, had no intention of being dependent.

He introduced Burke to William Gerard Hamilton (1759), now only remembered by the nickname "single-speech," derived from the circumstance of his having made a single brilliant speech in the House of Commons, which was followed by years of almost unbroken silence.

The reptile's connexion, however, was for a time of considerable use to Burke.

When he was made Irish secretary, Burke accompanied him to Dublin, and there learnt Oxenstiern's eternal lesson, that awaits all who penetrate behind the scenes of government, quam parva sapientia mundus regitur.

As was shown afterwards, they made an impression upon Burke that was never effaced.

When Hamilton retired from his post, Burke accompanied him back to London, with a pension of £300 a year on the Irish Establishment.

His patron having discovered the value of so laborious and powerful a subaltern, wished to bind Burke permanently to his service.

Burke declined to sell himself into final bondage of this kind.

When Hamilton continued to press his odious pretensions they quarrelled (1765), and Burke threw up his pension.

But he made the attempt, and resistance to that attempt supplies the keynote to the first twenty-five years of Burke's political life.

The marquess of Rockingham (July 10, 1765) became prime minister, and he was induced to make Burke his private secretary.

Before Burke had begun his duties, an incident occurred which illustrates the character of the two men.

The old duke of Newcastle, probably desiring a post for some nominee of his own, conveyed to the ear of the new minister various absurd rumours prejudicial to Burke, - that he was an Irish papist, that his real name was O'Bourke, that he had been a Jesuit, that he was an emissary from St Omer's.

Lord Rockingham repeated these tales to Burke, who of course denied them with indignation.

His chief declared himself satisfied, but Burke, from a feeling that the indispensable confidence between them was impaired, at once expressed a strong desire to resign his post.

The ministerial policy towards the colonies was defended by Burke with splendid and unanswerable eloquence.

For the space of a quarter of a century, from this time down to 1790, Burke was one of the chief guides and inspirers of a revived Whig party.

The "age of small factions" was now succeeded by an age of great principles, and selfish ties of mere families and persons were transformed into a union resting on common conviction and patriotic aims. It was Burke who did more than any one else to give to the Opposition, under the first half of the reign of George III., this stamp of elevation and grandeur.

George Grenville, whom the Rockinghams had displaced, and who was bitterly incensed at their formal reversal of his policy, printed a pamphlet to demonstrate his own wisdom and statesmanship. Burke replied in his Observations on a late Publication on the Present State of the Nation (1769), in which he showed for the first time that he had not only as much knowledge of commerce and finance, and as firm a hand, in dealing with figures as Grenville himself, but also a broad, general and luminous way of conceiving and treating politics, in which neither then nor since has he had any rival among English publicists.

It is one of the perplexing points in Burke's private history to know how he lived during these long years of parliamentary opposition.

Now, in 1769, Burke bought an estate at Beaconsfield, in the county of Buckingham.

Burke was a gambler, they hint, in Indian stock, like his kinsmen Richard and William, and like Lord Verney, his political patron at Wendover.

Burke inherited a small property from his elder brother, which he realized.

The remainder, amounting to no less than two-thirds of the purchase-money, was raised on mortgage, and was never paid off during Burke's life.

Burke made some sort of income out of his 600 acres; he was for a short time agent for New York, with a salary of £700; he continued to work at the Annual Register down to 1788.

But, when all is told, he never made as much as he spent; and in spite of considerable assistance from Lord Rockingham, amounting it is sometimes said to as much as £30,000, Burke, like the younger Pitt, got every year deeper into debt.

Burke, on the contrary, was assiduous and orderly, and had none of the vices of profusion.

There was something in this external dignity which went with Burke's imperious spirit, his spacious imagination, his turn for all things stately and imposing.

We may say, if we please, that Johnson had the far truer and loftier dignity of the two; but we have to take such men as Burke with the defects that belong to their qualities.

And there was po corruption in Burke's outlay.

The most we can say is that Burke, like Pitt, was too deeply absorbed in beneficent service in the affairs of his country, to have for his own affairs the solicitude that would have been prudent.

In the midst of intense political preoccupations, Burke always found time to keep up his intimacy with the brilliant group of his earlier friends.

The old sage who held that the first Whig was the Devil, was yet compelled to forgive Burke's politics for the sake of his magnificent gifts.

They deplored that the nice and difficult test of answering Berkeley had not been undertaken, as was once intended, by Burke, and sighed to think what an admirable display of subtlety and brilliance such a contention would have afforded them, had not politics "turned him from active philosophy aside."

They did not grudge Burke being the first man in the House of Commons, for they admitted that he would have been the first man anywhere.

With all his hatred for the book-man in politics, Burke owed much of his own distinction to that generous richness and breadth of judgment which had been ripened in him by literature and his practice in it.

The influence of literature on Burke lay partly in the direction of emancipation from the mechanical formulae of practical politics; partly in the association which it engendered, in a powerful understanding like his, between politics and the moral forces of the world, and between political maxims and the old and great sentences of morals; partly in drawing him, even when resting his case on prudence and expediency, to appeal to the widest and highest sympathies; partly, and more than all, in opening his thoughts to the many conditions, possibilities and "varieties of untried being," in human character and situation, and so giving an incomparable flexibility to his methods of political approach.

As is usual with a man who has not true humour, Burke is also without true pathos.

The varieties of Burke's literary or rhetorical method are very striking.

In all its varieties Burke's style is noble, earnest, deep-flowing, because his sentiment was lofty and fervid, and went with sincerity and ardent disciplined travail of judgment.

Burke will always be read with delight and edification, because in the midst of discussions on the local and the accidental, he scatters apophthegms that take us into the regions of lasting wisdom.

We are not exhilarated by the cheerfulness, the polish, the fine manners of Bolingbroke, for Burke had an anxious conscience, and was earnest and intent that the good should triumph.

And yet Burke is among the greatest of those who have wrought marvels in the prose of our English tongue.

Not all the transactions in which Burke was a combatant could furnish an imperial theme.

Burke helped to smooth matters for a practical union between the Rockingham party and the powerful triumvirate, composed of Chatham, whose understanding had recovered from its late disorder, and of his brothers-in-law, Lord Temple and George Grenville.

Neither now nor ever had Burke any other real conception of a polity for England than government by the territorial aristocracy in the interests of the nation at large, and especially in the interests of commerce, to the vital importance of which in our economy he was always keenly and wisely alive.

The policy of George III., and the support which it found among men who were weary of Whig factions, disturbed this scheme, and therefore Burke denounced both the court policy and the court party with all his heart and all his strength.

In the nation at large, the late violent ferment had been followed by as remarkable a deadness and vapidity, and Burke himself had to admit a year or two later that any remarkable robbery at Hounslow Heath would make more conversation than all the disturbances of America.

The duke of Grafton went out, and Lord North became the head of a government, which lasted twelve years (1770-1782), and brought about more than all the disasters that Burke had foretold as the inevitable issue of the royal policy.

For the first six years of this lamentable period Burke was actively employed in stimulating, informing and guiding the patrician chiefs of his party.

The accession of Charles James Fox to the Whig arty, which took place at this time, and was so important an event in its history, was mainly due to the teaching and influe ce of Burke.

Burke no more adopted the doctrines of Jefferson in 1776 than he adopted the doctrines of Robespierre in 1793.

It is one of the signs of Burke's singular and varied eminence that hardly any two people agree precisely which of his works to mark as the masterpiece.

But the Speech on Conciliation (1775) has, perhaps, been more universally admired than any of his other productions, partly because its maxims are of a simpler and less disputable kind than those which adorn the pieces on France, and partly because it is most strongly characterized by that deep ethical quality which is the prime secret of Burke's great style and literary mastery.

No eminent man has ever done more than Burke to justify the definition of genius as the consummation of the faculty of taking pains.

Burke always accepted the rebuke, and flung himself into vindication of the sense, substance and veracity of what he had written.

It seemed as if the court system which Burke had been denouncing for a dozen years was now finally broken, and as if the party which he had been the chief instrument in instructing, directing and keeping together must now inevitably possess power for many years to come.

The story cannot be omitted in the most summary account of Burke's life.

Burke was rewarded for services beyond price by being made paymaster of the forces, with the rank of a privy councillor.

Burke's first tenure of office was very brief.

But at any rate Burke's own office was not spared.

When Burke came to this post the salary was settled at 4000 a year.

Burke, though he had not encouraged Fox to take this step, still with his usual loyalty followed him out of office.

Burke attempted to defend the alliance on the ground of the substantial agreement between Fox and North in public aims. The defence is wholly untenable.

Burke went back to his old post at the pay-office and was soon engaged in framing and drawing the famous India Bill.

We may be sure that neither he nor Burke would have devised any government for India which they did not honestly believe to be for the advantage both of that country and of England.

But it cannot be disguised that Burke had thoroughly persuaded himself that it was indispensable in the interests of English freedom to strengthen the party hostile to the court.

In a word, judging the India Bill from a party point of view, we see that Burke was now completing the aim of his project of economic reform.

The country in the election of the next year ratified the king's judgment against the Portland combination; and the hopes which Burke had cherished for a political lifetime were irretrievably ruined.

The six years that followed the great rout of the orthodox Whigs were years of repose for the country, but it was now that Burke engaged in the most laborious and formidable enterprise of his life, the impeachment of Warren Hastings for high crimes and misdemeanours in his government of India.

It arose partly from the fact of William Burke's residence there, partly from his friendship with Philip Francis, but most of all, we suspect, from the effect which he observed Indian influence to have in demoralizing the House of Commons.

The relations, moreover, between the East India Company and the government were of the most important kind, and occupied Burke's closest attention from the beginning of the American war down to his own India Bill and that of Pitt and Dundas.

The real point of this superb declamation was Burke's conviction that ministers supported the claims of the fraudulent creditors in order to secure the corrupt advantages of a sinister parliamentary interest.

The story of Hastings's crimes, as Macaulay says, made the blood of Burke boil in his veins.

They were, moreover, concentrated in individual cases, which exercised Burke's passionate imagination to its profoundest depths, and raised it to such a glow of fiery intensity as has never been rivalled in our history.

Sheridan's speech in the House of Commons upon the charge relative to the begums of Oude probably excelled anything that Burke achieved, as a dazzling performance abounding in the most surprising literary and rhetorical effects.

Burke, no doubt, in the course of that unparalleled trial showed some prejudice; made some minor overstatements of his case; used many intemperances; and suffered himself to be provoked into expressions of heat and impatience by the cabals of the defendant and his party, and the intolerable incompetence of the tribunal.

But these excuses were mere trifles, and well deserve to be forgiven, when we think that though the offender was in form acquitted, yet Burke succeeded in these fourteen years of laborious effort in laying the foundations once for all of a moral, just, philanthropic and responsible public opinion in England with reference to India, and in doing so performed perhaps the most magnificent service that any statesman has ever had it in his power to render to humanity.

Burke's first decisive step against Hastings was a motion for papers in the spring of 1786; the thanks of the House of Commons to the managers of the impeachment were voted in the summer of 1794.

Burke was more than sixty years old when the states-general met at Versailles in the spring of 1789.

From the first Burke looked on the events of 1789 with doubt and misgiving.

In November 1790 the town, which had long been eagerly expecting a manifesto from Burke's pen, was electrified by the Reflections on the Revolution in France, and on the proceedings in certain societies in London relative to that event.

Eleven editions were exhausted in little more than a year, and there is probably not much exaggeration in the estimate that 30,000 copies were sold before Burke's death seven years afterwards.

Arthur Young, with whom he had corresponded years before on the mysteries of deep ploughing and fattening hogs, added a cogent polemical chapter to that ever admirable work, in which he showed that he knew as much more than Burke about the old system of France as he knew more than Burke about soils and roots.

Philip Francis, to whom he had shown the proof-sheets, had tried to dissuade Burke from publishing his performance.

Burke's conservatism was, as such a passage as this may illustrate, the result partly of strong imaginative associations clustering round the more imposing symbols of social continuity, partly of a sort of corresponding conviction in his reason that there are certain permanent elements of human nature out of which the European order had risen and which that order satisfied, and of whose immense merits, as of its mighty strength, the revolutionary party in France were most fatally ignorant.

Only those who know the incredible rashness of the revolutionary doctrine in the mouths of its most powerful professors at that time; only those who know their absorption in ends and their inconsiderateness about means, can feel how profoundly right Burke was in all this part of his contention.

Napoleon, who had begun life as a disciple of Rousseau, confirmed the wisdom of the philosophy of Burke when he came to make the Concordat.

That measure was in one sense the outcome of a mere sinister expediency, but that such a measure was expedient at all sufficed to prove that Burke's view of the present possibilities of social change was right, and the view of the Rousseauites and too sanguine Perfectibilitarians wrong.

As we have seen, Burke's very first piece, the satire on Bolingbroke, sprang from his conviction that merely rationalistic or destructive criticism, applied to the vast complexities of man in the social union, is either mischievous or futile, and mischievous exactly in proportion as it is not futile.

To discuss Burke's writings on the Revolution would be to write first a volume upon the abstract theory of society, and then a second volume on the history of France.

One of the most common charges against Burke was that he allowed his imagination and pity to be touched only by the sorrows of kings and queens, and forgot the thousands of oppressed and famine-stricken toilers of the land.

When thousands after thousands are dragooned out of their country for the sake of their religion, or sent to row in the galleys for selling salt against law, - when the liberty of every individual is at the mercy of every prostitute, pimp or parasite that has access to power or any of its basest substitutes, - my mind, I own, is not at once prepared to be satisfied with gentle palliatives for such disorders" (Francis to Burke, November 3, 1790).

This is a very terse way of putting a crucial objection to Burke's whole view of French affairs in 1789.

One secret of Burke's views of the Revolution was the contempt which he had conceived for the popular leaders in the earlier stages of the movement.

The spectacle of men so rash, and so incapable of controlling the forces which they seemed to have presumptuously summoned, excited in Burke both indignation and contempt.

And the leaders of the Constituent who came first on the stage, and hoped to make a revolution with rose-water, and hardly realized any more than Burke did how rotten was the structure which they had undertaken to build up, almost deserved his contempt, even if, as is certainly true, they did not deserve his indignation.

Burke's vital error was his inability to see that a root and branch revolution was, under the conditions, inevitable.

When he dealt with the affairs of India Burke passed over the circumstances of our acquisition of power in that continent.

But Burke never placed himself at such a point.

Burke's view of French affairs, however consistent with all his former political conceptions, put an end to more than one of his old political friendships.

Fox, who led the party, and Sheridan, who led Fox, were the intimates of the prince of Wales; and Burke would have been as much out of place in that circle of gamblers and profligates as Milton would have been out of place in the court of the Restoration.

When the debates on the regency were at their height we have Burke's word that he was not admitted to the private counsels of the party.

Though Fox and he were on friendly terms in society, yet Burke admits that for a considerable period before 1790 there had been between them "distance, coolness and want of confidence, if not total alienation on his part."

Burke had never looked with any favour on these projects.

What Burke valued was good government.

Burke did not believe that altered machinery was at that time needed to improve the quality of legislation.

If wiser legislation followed the great reform of 1832, Burke would have said this was because the political intelligence of the country had improved.

This was the view taken by Burke, but it was not the view of Fox, nor of Sheridan, nor of Francis, nor of many others of his party, and difference of opinion here was naturally followed by difference of opinion upon affairs in France.

The dissension between a man who felt so passionately as Burke, and a man who spoke so impulsively as Charles Fox, lay in the very nature of things.

Between Sheridan and Burke there was an open breach in the House of Commons upon the Revolution so early as February 1790, and Sheridan's influence with Fox was strong.

This divergence of opinion destroyed all the elation that Burke might well have felt at his compliments from kings, his gold medals, his twelve editions.

In May 1791 the thundercloud burst, and a public rupture between Burke and Fox took place in the House of Commons.

Burke was not present, but he announced his determination to reply.

On the day when the Quebec Bill was to come on again, Fox called upon Burke, and the pair walked together from Burke's house in Duke Street down to Westminster.

The Quebec Bill was recommitted, and Burke at once rose and soon began to talk his usual language against the Revolution, the rights of man, and Jacobinism whether English or French.

Burke replied in tones of firm self-repression; complained of the attack that had been made upon him; reviewed Fox's charges of inconsistency; enumerated the points on which they had disagreed, and remarked that such disagreements had never broken their friendship. But whatever the risk of enmity, and however bitter the loss of friendship, he would never cease from the warning to flee from the French constitution.

Burke was inexorable.

Burke confronted Jacobinism with the relentlessness of a Jacobin.

A few months afterwards Burke published the Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, a grave, calm and most cogent vindication of the perfect consistency of his criticisms upon the English Revolution of 1688 and upon the French Revolution of 1789, with the doctrines of the great Whigs who conducted and afterwards defended in Anne's reign the transfer of the crown from James to William and Mary.

Events, however, were doing more than words could do, to confirm the public opinion of Burke's sagacity and foresight.

The humiliation of the king and queen after their capture at Varennes; the compulsory acceptance of the constitution; the plain incompetence of the new Legislative Assembly; the growing violence of the Parisian mob, and the ascendency of the Jacobins at the Common Hall; the fierce day of the 20th of June (1792), when the mob flooded the Tuileries, and the bloodier day of the 10th of August, when the Swiss guard was massacred and the royal family flung into prison; the murders in the prisons in September; the trial and execution of the king in January (1793); the proscription of the Girondins in June, the execution of the queen in October - if we realize the impression likely to be made upon the sober and homely English imagination by such a heightening of horror by horror, we may easily understand how people came to listen to Burke's voice as the voice of inspiration, and to look on his burning anger as the holy fervour of a prophet of the Lord.

Fox still held to his old opinions as stoutly as he could, and condemned and opposed the war which England had declared against the French republic. Burke, who was profoundly incapable of the meanness of letting personal estrangement blind his eyes to what was best for the commonwealth, kept hoping against hope that each new trait of excess in France would at length bring the great Whig leader to a better mind.

Fox's most important political friends who had long wavered, at length, to Burke's great satisfaction, went over tolthe side of the government.

The difference between Pitt and Burke was nearly as great as that between Burke and Fox.

Burke would be content with nothing short of a crusade against France, and war to the death with her rulers.

In the summer of 1794 Burke was struck to the ground by a blow to his deepest affection in life, and he never recovered from it.

All the evidence goes to show that Richard Burke was one of the most presumptuous and empty-headed of human beings.

Mrs Burke has in her train Miss French [Burke's niece], the most perfect Size Paddy that ever was caught.

Notwithstanding these disadvantages Burke is in himself a sort of power in the state.

Burke accepted the position of a power in Europe seriously.

Richard Burke was received with many compliments, but of course nothing came of his mission, and the only impression that remains with the reader of his prolix story is his tale of the two royal brothers, who afterwards became Louis XVIII.

When we think of the pass to which things had come in Paris by this time, and of the unappeasable ferment that boiled round the court, there is a certain touch of the ludicrous in the notion of poor Richard Burke writing to Louis XVI.

And Burke exhibited considerable courage in writing it; for many of its maxims seem to involve a contradiction, first, to the principles on which he withstood the movement in France, and second, to his attitude upon the subject of parliamentary reform.

Burke was not the man to fall unawares into a trap of this kind.

Yet Burke threw such breadth and generality over all he wrote that even these propositions, relative as they were, form a short manual of statesmanship.

At the close of the session of 1794 the impeachment of Hastings had come to an end, and Burke bade farewell to parliament.

Richard Burke was elected in his father's place at Mahon.

The patent was being made ready, when all was arrested by the sudden death of the son who was to Burke more than life.

A pension of £2500 was all that Burke could now be persuaded to accept.

The vileness of such criticism was punished, as it deserved to be, in the Letter to a Noble Lord (1796), in which Burke showed the usual art of all his compositions in shaking aside the insignificances of a subject.

Burke at the notion of negotiation flamed out in the Letters on a Regicide Peace, in some respects the most splendid of all his compositions.

They glow with passion, and yet with all their rapidity is such steadfastness, the fervour of imagination is so skilfully tempered by close and plausible reasoning, and the whole is wrought with such strength and fire, that we hardly know where else to look either in Burke's own writings or elsewhere for such an exhibition of the rhetorical resources of our language.

Those who think that the French were likely to show a moderation and practical reasonableness in success, such as they had never shown in the hour of imminent ruin, will find Burke's judgment full of error and mischief.

Burke died on the 8th of July 1797.

Burke, however, had left strict injunctions that his burial should be private; and he was laid in the little church at Beaconsfield.

This was begun at Burke's death, also by Drs Lawrence and King; vols.

The Speeches of Edmund Burke, in the House of Commons and Westminster Hall, were published in 4 vols., 1816.

The standard life of Burke is that by Sir James Prior, Memoir of the Life and Character of Edmund Burke with Specimens of his Poetry and Letters (1824).

Of critical estimates of Burke's life the Edmund Burke of John Morley, "English Men of Letters" series (1879), is an elaboration of the above article; see also his Burke, a Historical Study (1867); "Three Essays on Burke," by Sir James Fitzjames Stephen in Horae Sabbaticae, series iii.

Burke uses, in reference to Hyder Ali, the same image which Demosthenes uses in reference to Philip. "Compounding all the materials of fury, havoc, desolation, into one black cloud, he hung for a while on the declivity of the mountains.

Burke and Goldsmith, coming later, though they might not call themselves Englishmen, were not less free from provincialism.

That same evening Lord Frederick and the permanent undersecretary Thomas Henry Burke were murdered in the Phoenix Park in broad daylight.

The writer of this letter suggested that his open condemnation of the murders had been a matter of expediency, and that Burke deserved his fate.

All three works were combined in a single large volume, entitled De Statu Libri Tres, 1615, which was first brought into due notice by Dr Samuel Parr, who, in 1787, published an edition with a preface, famous for the elegance of its Latinity, in which he eulogized Burke, Fox and Lord North as the "three English luminaries."

Leslie Burke has cerebellar ataxia, a degenerative disease.

The infamous body snatchers William Burke and William Hare are at large.

This month Burke discusses the force he feels may be involved in creating the crop circles.

A Full Account of the Trial and Sentence of William Burke Open All over the Lothians people took self-help measures to stop depredations.

Reading a Burke is, for me, easy yet not fluffy.

For Burke " good men [must] cultivate friendships " .

The store features murals drawn by well-known illustrator Chris Burke.

Burke, Canning and Pitt would have remained impotent there.

And do not make deals with special interest groups, such as the City stock jobbers whom Burke so distrusted.

Dr. Knox, the evil mastermind of the operation, will not let Burke go.

Burke was a constant menace throughout the game setting up both goals.

Neighbors say Mr Burke, a retired postman, relied heavily on his wife's care.

Edmund Burke is the standard example of the liberal turned reactionary.

In fact the first person that Burke kills is the local simpleton who has discovered his secret.

Constantly taunted by Frank Burke for lack of masculinity.

Prof. Derek Burke was previously vice-chancellor of the University of East Anglia, a post he held with distinction from 1987-1995.

To meet the oratory of Burke and Sheridan and Fox, Hastings wrote an elaborate minute with which he wearied the ears of the House for two successive nights, and he subsidized a swarm of pamphleteers.

Meanwhile, in the province of Victoria, by means of a fund subscribed among the colonists and a grant by the legislature, the ill-fated expedition of Messrs Burke and Wills was started.

While Burke and Fox and so many great statesmen proclaimed the consequences of the collision with America, Gibbon saw nothing but colonies in rebellion, and a paternal government justly incensed.

Trinity College, or Dublin University, fronts the street with a Palladian façade (1759), with two good statues by Foley, of Goldsmith and Burke.

But his speeches were packed with epigram, and expressed with rare felicity of phrase; his terse and telling sentences were richer in profound aphorisms and maxims of political philosophy than those of any other statesman save Burke; he possessed the orator's incomparable gift of conveying his own enthusiasm to his audience and convincing them of the loftiness of his aims.

Burke speaks of "some significant, pompous, creeping, explanatory, ambiguous matter, in the true Chathamic style."

All sorts of whispers have been circulated by idle or malicious gossip about Burke's first manhood.

Lessing set about the translation and annotation of it, and Moses Mendelssohn borrowed from Burke's speculation at least one of the most fruitful and important ideas of his own influential theories on the sentiments.

There is not a word too many nor too strong in the description of him by one of Burke's friends, as "a sullen, vain, proud, selfish, cankered-hearted, envious reptile."

There is none of the complacent and wise-browed sagacity of Bacon, for Burke's were days of personal strife and fire and civil division.

In the events which ended in the emancipation of the A erican colonies from the monarchy, Burke's political genius shonwith an effulgence that was worthy of the great affairs over w ich it shed so magnificent an illumination.

Burke here and everywhere else displayed t e rare art of filling his subject with generalities, and yet never int uding commonplaces.

At length Fox, in seconding a motion for confining the debate to its proper subject, burst into the fatal question beyond the subject, taxing Burke with inconsistency, and taunting him with having forgotten that ever-admirable saying of his own about the insurgent colonists, that he did not know how to draw an indictment against a whole nation.

Those, on the contrary, who think that the nation which was on the very eve of surrendering itself to the Napoleonic absolutism was not in a hopeful humour for peace and the European order, will believe that Burke's protests were as perspicacious as they were powerful, and that anything which chilled the energy of the war was as fatal as he declared it to be.

We read together, "As You Like It," Burke's "Speech on Conciliation with America," and Macaulay's "Life of Samuel Johnson."

Burke's speech was more instructive than any other book on a political subject that I had ever read.

I wondered more and more, while Burke's masterly speech rolled on in mighty surges of eloquence, how it was that King George and his ministers could have turned a deaf ear to his warning prophecy of our victory and their humiliation.

Educational Review, vol 57 Articles in refereed journals Burke, C May 2005 ' The School without Tears.

Prof. Derek Burke was previously Vice-Chancellor of the University of East Anglia, a post he held with distinction from 1987-1995.

In 1996, Emmitt Smith joined the third season of the popular reality show Dancing with the Stars, and was partnered with second season winner Cheryl Burke.

Smith and Burke sailed into the finals and danced opposite Mario Lopez and Karina Smirnoff.

He has three children with his first wife, actress Sadie Frost, and one child with model Samantha Burke.

Cheryl Burke is a professional ballroom dancer.

At one point during an interview with Dancing with the Stars season three winners Emmitt Smith and Cheryl Burke, Aiken covered Ripa's mouth with his hand in what was interpreted as a gesture for her to stop talking.

Isaiah Washington, who portrayed Dr. Preston Burke on the hit television series Grey's Anatomy, is not returning to work in the fall.

In an interview, fellow Dancing competitor Brooke Burke stated that everyone was concerned for Misty May and thought she may be having surgery on her Achilles later on in the week.

It really doesn't come as a surprise that Law doesn't remember Samantha Burke, but early rumors about their affair of sorts claimed that Law was ill and Samantha took care of him in his hotel room and oops…ended up getting pregnant.

Now that little Sophia has been born, Burke isn't wasting any time making money off her child and her story.

Burke gushes on how she thinks Sophia looks like Jude.

Burke says they have made no plans to meet up as of yet.

Brands include Miraclesuit, Beach Belle, Cacique, Delta Burke and Longitude.

Delta Burke swimwear does more for full-figured ladies than most bathing suits -- they not only help masquerade a body's imperfections, but also enhance its positive features.

This swimwear, created by Delta Burke Design, helps plus size women feel better about wearing bathing suits.

Swimwear is just one of a number of fashions created by actress Delta Burke, a plus-sized actress and producer known for her role as Suzanne Sugarbaker on the 1980s-1990s sitcom, Designing Women.

While there is no official Delta Burke Design Web site, her fashions can be found at any number of locations, mainly online, but also locally at JCPenney.

Always for Me sells several types of Delta Burke swimdresses.

Woman Within sells the Delta Burke skirtini and swimdress.

Delta Burke swimsuits at extremely reasonable prices.

Plus size women want and deserve to feel sexy in their undergarments, and the many styles of Delta Burke lingerie will help them do just that.

This line of lingerie is part of a collection of clothing items designed by plus size actress Delta Burke.

Her Delta Burke Design company was formed in 1994 as a means of giving full-figured gals what they want in clothing.

The Delta Burke lingerie line includes all over lace tanga panties for the plus size woman.

A set like the Delta Burke leopard print cami and boy short will make it easy for you to put together an entire animal print ensemble.

A suit like Delta Burke's Accelerate features patterning on the top of this one-piece and a dark bottom, along with tummy control for an attractive fit.

The Delta Burke swimsuit collection includes a gorgeous sarong swimsuit that features a scoop neckline in front and back as well as an ultra-feminine lettuce edge.

Their items range from super sexy to cozy comfort in brands that include Delta Burke, Bali and Vedette.

Delta Burke proves polka dots can be a little sexy, too!

The bra is available in size 40DD, but search around on eBay for other sizes, as well as for Burke's popular Pin-up Polka Dot Bras in a range of colors, like pink, green and black.

The Knot-Front Options by Delta Burke swim dress works to flatten the stomach while also giving you a more trim, hourglass figure.

Plus sized women like Delta Burke do some designing, so you can now have something that really was made with your body in mind.

The Cheryl Burke bio chronicles a stunning ballroom dancer who is best known for her stints on the popular ABC television show, Dancing with the Stars.

Below you will find some basic information on Cheryl Burke, as well as where you can see her next!

This question merits many different responses, but for Cheryl Burke in particular, the answer is found in Atherton, a small city in Northern California.

Since dancing often means a fleeting career for many, Burke has sustained herself through a true passion for the creative arts.

Until those desired accomplishments are reached, Burke can rest assured she's had an impressive run as a dancer to date.

Dancing with the Stars has truly launched Burke's career from successful to overwhelmingly fabulous, as she continues to appear on the show each year and also participates in the national tour many of the finalists go on.

Though she now lives in Los Angeles, Cheryl Burke has not forgotten her beginnings, and supported the International School of the Peninsula to raise money for its educational needs.

Burke also recently opened her own dance studio in her Bay Area stomping grounds, called Cheryl Burke Dance.

Dancing with the Stars fans will undoubtedly be amused by the names of some of the studio's ballrooms, including the Emmitt Smith and Drew Lachey rooms, obviously paying homage to Burke's past television dance partners.