Bismarck sentence example
In 1890 Prince Bismarck received the title of duke of Lauenburg.
France remained cold, while Bismarck and Kalnky, distrustful of the Radicalism of Depretis and Mancini, assumed towards their ally an.
Kalnky desired that both the terms of the treaty and the fact of its conclusion should remain secret, but Bismarck and Mancini hastened to hint at its existence, the former in the Reichstag on the 12th of June 1882, and the latter in the Italian semi-official press.
Meanwhile the enthusiastic reception accorded to the young German emperor on the occasion of his visit to Rome in October 1888, and the cordiality shown towards King Humbert and Crispi at Berlin in May 1889, increased the tension of FrancoItalian relations; nor was it until after the fall of Prince Bismarck in March 1890 that Crispi adopted towards the Republic a more friendly attitude by sending an Italian squadron to salute President Carnot at Toulon.
In return for Russia's service in preventing the aid of Austria from being given to France, Gorchakov looked to Bismarck for diplomatic support in the Eastern Question, and he received an instalment of the expected support when he successfully denounced the Black Sea clauses of the treaty of Paris.Advertisement
In 1875 Bismarck was suspected of a design of again attacking France, and Gorchakov gave him to understand, in a way which was not meant to be offensive, but which roused the German chancellor's indignation, that Russia would oppose any such scheme.
In return for these services Bismarck helped Russia to recover a portion of what she had lost by the Crimean War, for it was thanks to his connivance and diplomatic support that she was able in 1871 to denounce with impunity the clauses of the treaty of Paris which limited Russian armament in the Black Sea.
He suspected Bismarck of harbouring hostile designs against Russia, and he came to recognize that the permanent weakening of France was not in accordance with Russian political interests.
In May of this year he had an important interview with Bismarck, who wished to secure his support for the reform of the confederation, and after the war was over at once accepted the position of a Prussian subject, and took his seat in the diet of the North German Confederation and in the Prussian parliament.
The National Verein, its work being done, was now dissolved; but Bennigsen was chiefly instrumental in founding a new political party - the National Liberals, - who, while they supported Bismarck's national policy, hoped to secure the constitutional development of the country.Advertisement
It was chiefly owing to him that the building up of the internal institutions of the empire was carried on without the open breach between Bismarck and the parliament, which was often imminent.
Many amendments suggested by him were introduced in the debates on the constitution; in 1870 he undertook a mission to South Germany to strengthen the national party there, and was consulted by Bismarck while at Versailles.
In 1877 he was offered the post of vice-chancellor with a seat in the Prus s ian ministry, but refused it because Bismarck or the king would not agree to his conditions.
In 1883 he resigned his seat in parliament owing to the reactionary measures of the government, which made it impossible for him to continue his former co-operation with Bismarck, but returned in 1887 to support the coalition of national parties.
When the preliminaries of peace came to be discussed at Versailles in February 1871, the cession of Alsace, together with what is called German Lorraine, was one of the earliest conditions laid down by Bismarck and accepted by Thiers.Advertisement
Bismarck admitted the aversion of the population to Prussian rule, but said that everything would be done to conciliate the people.
He acted as representative of his exiled king in the negotiations with the Prussian government concerning his private property and opposed the sequestration, thus for the first time being placed in a position of hostility to Bismarck.
He was especially exposed to the attacks of Bismarck, who attempted personally to discredit him and to separate him from the rest of the party.
And he was far the ablest and most dangerous critic of Bismarck's policy.
In 1887 Bismarck appealed to the pope to use his authority to order the Centre to support the military proposals of the government.Advertisement
In the social reform he supported Bismarck, and as the undisputed leader of the largest party in the Reichstag he was able to exercise influence over the action of the government after Bismarck's retirement.
After their realization by Bismarck these ideas have become sufficiently commonplace; but they were nowise obvious when thus published by Lassalle.
It was early in 1862, when the struggle of Bismarck with the Prussian liberals was already begun.
Bismarck coquetted with him as the representative of a force that might help him to combat the Prussian liberals; in 1878, in a speech before the Reichstag, he spoke of him with deep respect, as a man of the greatest amiability and ability from whom much could be learned.
A few streets south of that is a monument to Lessing (1881); while occupying a commanding site on the promenades towards Altona is the gigantic statue of Bismarck which was unveiled in June 1906.Advertisement
Whatever may be thought of the manner of this refusal, or of its immediate motives, it was in itself wise, for the German empire would have lost immeasurably had it been the cause rather than the result of the inevitable struggle with Austria, and Bismarck was probably right when he said that, to weld the heterogeneous elements'of Germany into a united whole, what was needed was, not speeches and resolutions, but a policy of "blood and iron."
The House of Lords (Herrenhaus) justified the king's insistence in calling it into being by its support of Bismarck against the more popular House during the next reign.
In the Reichstag he had originally been a member of the National Liberal party, but in 1879 he was the first to accept the new commercial policy of Bismarck, and in his later years he joined the Moderate Conservatives, but his deafness prevented him from taking a prominent part in debate.
During the autumn of 1877 he went to London, Paris and Berlin on a confidential mission, establishing cordial personal relationships with Gladstone, Granville and other English statesmen, and with Bismarck.
One of his first acts as premier was a visit to Bismarck, whom he desired to consult upon the working of the Triple Alliance.Advertisement
The occasion for war was engineered entirely by Bismarck; and it is doubtful how far Moltke was in Bismarck's confidence, though as a far-seeing general he took advantage of every opening which the latter's diplomacy secured for him.
Bismarck diverted three Austrian corps by an alliance with Italy, and by consenting to the neutralization of the 1 The Lorenz rifle carried a .57 bullet and was sighted to 1000 yds.; the needle-gun with a much lighter bullet was sighted to 400 only.
Delbruck now began, with the support of Bismarck, to apply the principles of free trade to Prussian fiscal policy.
In 1867 he became the first president of the chancery of the North German Confederation, and represented Bismarck on the federal tariff council (Zollbundesrath), a position of political as well as fiscal importance owing to the presence in the council of representatives of the southern states.
Delbriick, however, began to feel himself uneasy under Bismarck's leanings towards protection and state control.Advertisement
On the introduction of Bismarck's plan for the acquisition of the railways by the state, Delbriick resigned office, nominally on the ground of ill-health (June 1, 1876).
In June 1874 he was found guilty of a libel on Prince Bismarck, whom he had compared to Frederick II.
Bismarck was desirous of giving the city, in view of its former freedom, a more liberal constitution than is usual in ordinary cases.
In 1871 the treaty which concluded the Franco-German War was signed in the Swan Hotel by Prince Bismarck and Jules Favre, and it is consequently known as the peace of Frankfort.
The adhesion of Baden to the North German confederation was, prevented by Bismarck himself, who had no wish to give Napoleon III.Advertisement
His education, the influence of his mother, and perhaps still more that of his wife's father, the Prince Consort, had made him a strong Liberal, and he was much distressed at the course of events in Prussia after the appointment of Bismarck as minister.
The opposition of the crown prince to the ministers was increased during the following year, for he was a warm friend of the prince of Augustenburg, whose claims to Schleswig-Holstein Bismarck refused to support.
During the negotiations which ended the war he gave valuable assistance by persuading the king to accept Bismarck's policy as regards peace with Austria.
From this time he was very anxious to see the king of Prussia unite the whole of Germany, with the title of emperor, and was impatient of the caution with which Bismarck proceeded.
While the Liberals hoped the emperor would use his power for some signal declaration of policy, the adherents of Bismarck did not scruple to make bitter attacks on the empress.Advertisement
After the emperor's death Professor Geffcken, a personal friend, published in the Deutsche Rundschau extracts from the diary of the crown prince containing passages which illustrated his differences with Bismarck during the war of 1870.
The object was to injure Bismarck's reputation, and a very unseemly dispute ensued.
Bismarck at first, in a letter addressed to the new emperor, denied the authenticity of the extracts on the ground that they were unworthy of the crown prince.
See also Bismarck, Reflections and Reminiscences; Rennell Rodd, Frederick, Crown Prince and Emperor (1888); Gustav Freytag, Der Kronprinz and die deutsche Kaiserkrone (1889; English translation, 1890); Otto Richter, Kaiser Friedrich III.
Meanwhile the king, Moltke, and Bismarck, had ridden back behind Gravelotte where they passed two hours of intense anxiety.Advertisement
The fathers (Die Getreuen) of the town used to send an annual birthday present of ioi plovers' eggs to Bismarck, with a dedication in verse.
The company being unable to quell the revolt, Captain Hermann Wissmann - subsequently Major Hermann von Wissmann (1853-1905) - was sent out by Prince Bismarck as imperial commissioner.
Earthquakes are rare on the mainland, but not infrequent in Bismarck and d'Entrecasteaux archipelagos.
The zoology of the Bismarck Archipelago is little known.
German New Guinea The German protectorate of New Guinea, so called after the island which contributes the greatest area, comprehends, besides Kaiser Wilhelms Land, the islands which are now commonly called the Bismarck Archipelago - viz.
It has also the church of St John, built in the 13th century, a new town hall, and a statue of Bismarck.
His newspaper purchases included the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung in Berlin, formerly the organ of Bismarck and then of all succeeding German Governments, the Miinchener Neueste Nachrichten and the Munchen-Augsburger Zeitung, the last-named being one of the oldest newspapers in Germany.
His management of the affairs of his department was, however, very successful; he confirmed and maintained the alliance with Germany, which had been formed by his predecessors, and cooperated with Bismarck in the arrangements by which Italy joined the alliance.
In 1864 he did not stand for re-election, owing to an affection of the eyes, but in 1866 he was one of the first to point out the way to a reconciliation between Bismarck and his former opponents.
In 1875 he had been appointed by Bismarck to the post of director of the Prussian archives.
After the fall of Bismarck the permission to use the secret papers was withdrawn, and therefore vols.
Hereon are also memorials to Bismarck and to the emperor William I.
In spite of the illness of the emperor Frederick a certain number of court festivities were held in her honour, and she had long conversations with Prince Bismarck, who was deeply impressed by her majesty's personality.
Prince Bismarck, who had been antiBattenberg from the beginning, vehemently opposed this marriage, on the ground that for reasons of state policy it would never do for a daughter of the German emperor to marry a prince who was personally disliked by the tsar.
Accepting as a fait accompli the existence of the triple alliance, created by Bismarck for the purpose of resisting any aggressive action on the part of Russia and France, he sought to establish more friendly relations with the cabinets of Berlin, Vienna and Rome.
The state supports a hospital for the insane at Jamestown, an institution for the feeble-minded at Grafton, a home for old soldiers at Lisbon, a blind asylum at Bathgate, a reform school (opened 1902) at Mandan and a penitentiary at Bismarck.
The seat of the Territorial government was fixed at Yankton, and remained there until 1883, when it was removed to Bismarck.
In the following year General Alfred Sully (1821-1879), commanding United States troops, marched up the Missouri river as far as Bismarck, and thence to the valley of the James river.
In accordance with the Enabling Act, which received the president's approval on the 22nd of February 1889, a constitutional convention met at Bismarck on the 4th of July following, and drafted a frame of government for the state of North Dakota.
Bismarck broke with the National Liberals, who were the champions of free trade; at the same time the agricultural depression set in, and the agricultural interest demanded protection against American and other foreign competition.
His father, Eugen von Puttkammer, Oberprasident of Posen, belonged to a widely extended noble family, of which Bismarck's wife and Robert von Puttkammer's own wife were also members.
Puttkammer was the chosen instrument of the Clerical Conservative policy initiated by Bismarck when the Socialist peril made it expedient to conciliate the Catholic Centre.
This was at first vigorously opposed, not least by Bismarck himself; but its convenience soon became evident, it was increasingly put into practice, and was so well based that later reformers have only needed to follow the lines laid down by Puttkammer.
His reactionary conservative temper was in complete harmony with the views of Bismarck and the emperor William, and with their powerful support he attempted, in defiance of modern democratic principles and even of the spirit of the constitution, to re-establish the old Prussian system of rigid discipline from above.
In spite of Bismarck's support Puttkammer was forced to resign on the 8th of June 1888.
In the age of Bismarck, school policy in Prussia had for its aim an increasing recognition of modern requirements.
In Tonga, in the New Hebrides, and in the long chain of the Solomons and the Bismarck Archipelago there is much activity.
The French were now taking a share in the work of discovery, and in 1768 Louis Antoine de Bougainville sailed by way of the central Paumotus, the Society Islands, Samoa, the northern New Hebrides, the south coast of New Guinea and the Louisiade and Bismarck archipelagoes.
The seat of government of the German protectorate of Kaiser Wilhelm's Land (New Guinea) is Herbertshohe in the Bismarck Archipelago.
The mission was unsuccessful; but the negotiator was on its conclusion immediately charged with another - that of obtaining, if possible, an armistice directly from Prince Bismarck.
Bismarck is the headquarters for navigation of the upper Missouri river, is situated in a good agricultural region, and has a large wholesale trade, shipping grain, hides, furs, wool and coal.
He was elected a member of the Reichstag, where he joined the National Liberal party, for like many other exiles he was willing to accept the results of Bismarck's work.
In 1868 he published a short life of Bismarck in French, with the object of producing a better understanding of German affairs, and in 1870, owing to his intimate acquaintance with France and with finance, he was summoned by Bismarck to Versailles to help in the discussion of terms of peace.
He was the leader of the free traders, and after 1878 refused to follow Bismarck in his new policy of protection, state socialism and colonial development; in a celebrated speech he declared that the day on which it was introduced was a dies nefastus for Germany.
An edition of his collected works (including the French life of Bismarck) was published in 1894 in five volumes.
Here he came into intimate touch with Bismarck, who admired his statesmanlike handling of the growing complications of the Schleswig-Holstein Question.
In 1873 Bismarck, who was in thorough sympathy with his views, persuaded him to enter the service of Prussia as secretary of state for foreign affairs, and from this time till his death he was the chancellor's most faithful henchman.
In 1875 he was appointed Prussian plenipotentiary in the Bundesrat; in 1877 he became Bismarck's lieutenant in the secretaryship for foreign affairs of the Empire; and in 1878 he was, with Bismarck and Hohenlohe, Prussian plenipotentiary at the congress of Berlin.
Bismarck, the director of the policy of Prussia, was devising methods for the realization of his schemes, and it became clear after the war over the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein that the smaller German states would soon be obliged to decide definitely between Austria and Prussia.
The public monuments of Dresden also include the Moritz Monument, a relief dedicated by the elector Augustus to his brother Maurice, a statue of Weber the composer by Rietschel, a bronze statue of Theodor Korner by Hahne', the Rietschel monument on the Briihl Terrace by Schilling, a bust of Gutzkow, and a statue of Bismarck on the promenade.
The veil that hides the negotiations which, during the closing months of the Franco-German War, were carried on between Bismarck and the pope, through the agency of Cardinal Bonnhose, has not yet been lifted, and perhaps never will be.
According to Prince Bismarck's own account of the matter, as given in his Gedanken and Erinnerungen, these negotiations were initiated by the chancellor, who, between the 5th and 9th of November 1870, entertained pourparlers with Archbishop Ledochowski on the question of the territorial interests of the pope.
The cool reception his endeavours, met with, both at the hands of the French ecclesiastics as well as in Rome, satisfied Bismarck " that the papal hierarchy lacked either the power or the good will to afford Germany assistance of sufficient value to make it worth while giving umbrage to both the German Protestants and the Italian national party, and risking a reaction of the latter upon the future relations between the two countries, which would be the inevitable result were Germany openly to espouse the papal cause in Rome."
These utterances are eminently characteristic. They show how far Bismarck was (even at the close of 1870) from comprehending the traditional policy of the papacy towards Germany and German interests, and how little he conceived it possible to employ the relations between the future empire and the Vatican as a point of departure for a successful and consistent ecclesiastical policy.
To satisfy the demands of Bismarck in November 1870 would have cost the Vatican more than it would ever have gained.
It could neither afford to trifle with the sympathies of the French Catholics nor to interrupt the progress of those elements, which would naturally be a thorn in the side of the young German Empire, thus undo Bismarck's work, and restore the Vatican policy to its pristine strength and vigour.
On the 30th of January Bismarck took the opportunity of inveighing against the formation of the sectarian Centrum as being " one of the most monstrous phenomena in the world of politics," and he left no room for doubt in the minds of his hearers that he regarded the leadership of Windthorst as constituting, in his eyes, a peril to the national unity.
In the negotiations with Germany, it was clearly seen that it was from that side that the pope expected intervention in favour of restitution; and, according to all appearances, Bismarck did for a while keep alive these representations, though with more tact than candour.
Bismarck replied that he was " unaware of the existence of any such question."
Even Bismarck, in the end, had to " go to Canossa."
On the 13th of July 1874 the town was the scene of the attempt of the fanatic Kullmann to assassinate Prince Bismarck, to whom a statue has been erected.
In 1877 John Selwyn was consecrated bishop. Wesleyan native evangelists from Fiji and Tonga carried Christianity in 1875 to the Bismarck Archipelago.
Finally, in the war of 1866, in spite of Bismarck's efforts to secure her neutrality, Bavaria sided actively with Austria.
The rapid victory of the Prussians and the wise moderation of Bismarck paved the way for a complete revolution in Bavaria's relation to Prussia and the German question.
The Belgian Ultramontanes agitated strongly in favour of the re-establishment of the temporal power and against the policy of Bismarck.
Francis Laur, such as that an actual interview took place in 1878 between Gambetta and Bismarck.
In 1866, with the rank of colonel, he assisted Garibaldi in Tirol, in 1867 fought at Mentana, and in 1870 conducted the negotiations with Bismarck, during which the German chancellor is alleged to have promised Italy possession of Rome and of her natural frontiers if the Democratic party could prevent an alliance between Victor Emmanuel and Napoleon.
The Total in Reichskanzler is the sole responsible official, In the Pacific and conducts all the affairs of the empire, with German New G the exception of such as arc of a purely military Bismarck Archrj character, anti is the intermediary between the Caroline, Pelewa emperor, the Bundesrat and the Reichstag.
Fortunately, however, he was singularly open to conviction, and Otto von Bismarck, though not yet in office, was already in his confidence.
Bismarck realized that, in the struggle with Austria which he foresaw, Prussia could only be weakened were she to take up an attitude of opposition to the prevailing Liberal sentiment, and that to tamper with the constitution would not only be inexpedient, but useless, since special measures could always be resorted to, to meet special circumstances.
Hohenlohe now declared himself incapable of carrying on the government, and King William entrusted it to Otto von Bismarck.
For nine years Prussian delegate at the diet of Frankfort, Bismarck was intimately acquainted with all the issues Bis,narck.
Bismarck, however, threatened to resign if the king accepted; and the congress had to do the best it could without Prussian co-operation.
Bismarck, then, had no difficult task in persuading Austria that the time for action had come.
Whatever Austrias ulterior views may have been, Bismarck certainly from the first had but one aim before him.
After the war Bismarck in fact succeeded in obtaining the signature of the smaller states to the treaty; and Austria, her protests having proved unavailing, was fain to sign a commercial treaty with the Zoilverein, essentially the same as that of 1853.
Napoleon having been successfully hoodwinked, Bismarck turned to Italy.
This perfidy removed the last scruples of King William; and the Austro-Prussian alliance came to an end with the declaration of Bismarck that Prussia must win full freedom for her own entire policy and his refusal to continue the correspondence.
On the 24th Bismarck in his turn issued a circular note stating that, in view of the Austrian war preparations, Prussia must take measures for her defence; at the same time he laid before the princes the outline of the Prussian scheme for the reform of the Confederation, a scheme which included a national parliament to be elected by universal suffrage, as offering surer guarantees for conservative action than lilnitations that seek to determine the majority befprehand.
This was denounced by Bismarck in a circular note to the powers as a breach of the convention of Gastein and of the treaty of January 16, 1864, by which Austria and Prussia had agreed to govern the duchies in common.
In the event of the rejection of Prussias motion, Bismarck had made it clear that Prussia would withdraw from the Confederation, and Prussia that in the event of her being victorious in the ensuing withdraws war those states of northern Germany that voted from the against her would cease to exist.
The return of King William to his capital had been a triumphal progress; and Bismarck had shared to the full the new-born popularity of his master.
A party called the National Liberals was formed, whose main object was to secure the union of South with North Germany, and it at once entered into peculiar relations with Bismarck, who, in spite of his native contempt for parliaments and parliamentary government, was quite prepared to make use of any instruments he found ready to his hand.
A common war against a common enemy now appeared the surest means of welding the dissevered halves of Germany together, and for this war Bismarck steadily prepared.
The reply of Bismarck was to publish (March 19) the secret treaties with the South German states.
War was now only a question of time, and the study of Bismarck was to bring it on at the moment most favorable to Germany, and by a method that should throw upon France the appearance of being the aggressor.
For twenty years the double office was held by Bismarck, who, supported as he was by the absolute confidence of the emperor, and also of the allied princes, held a position greater than that ever attained by any subject in modern Europe since the time of Richelieu.
Bismarck, knowing that nothing would more impede the consolidation of the empire than an outbreak of local patriotism, always so jealous of its rights, generally used his influence to avoid constitutional disputes, and discouraged the discussion of questions which would require an authoritative interpretation of the constitution.
On this occasion Bismarck accepted the decision, but when important interests were at stake he showed himself as ready to crush opposition as in the older days, as in the case of Hamburg and Bremen.
To them Bismarck had originally belonged, but the estrangement begun in 1866 constantly increased for the next ten years.
They were essentially a government party, and took no part in the attacks on Bismarck, which came from the more extreme Conservatives, the party of the Kreuzzeitung.
It was on their support that Bismarck depended in building up the institutions of the empire.
Bismarck, influenced by the older Prussian traditions, always adopted towards them an atti.tude of uncompromising opposition.
In the Prussian parliament Bismarck introduced a law taking out of the hands of the local authorities the whole administration of the schools and giving them to the central authority, so as to prevent instruction being given in Polish.
In the general change of policy that followed after the retirement of Bismarck an attempt was made by the emperor to conciliate the Poles.
These arguments were reinforced by an appeal of Prince Billow to the traditions of Bismarck, and in spite of a strenuous and weighty opposition, the bill with certain modifications passed by 143 votes to III in the Upper House, and was accepted by the Lower House on the I3th of March.
In 1878, when the Triple Alliance was concluded, Bismarck, in answer to the Guelphic demonstration at Copenhagen, arranged with Austria, the other party to the treaty of Prague, that the clause should lapse.
It naturally falls into two periods; the first, which ends in 1878, is that in which Bismarck depended on- the support of the National Liberals.
The Conservatives were attached to the older local diversities, and Bismarck had therefore to turn for help to his iild enemies, and for some years an alliance was maintained, always precarious but full of results.
Bismarck always attached great importance to the improvement of the railway service, and he saw that uniformity of working and of tariffs was very desirable.
Yet, in setting it up, Bismarck had in mind the ultimate acquisition of all the railways by the empire.
The Ultramontane party in Austria, France and Bavaria had, after 1866, been hostile to Prussia; there was some ground to fear that it might still succeed in bringing about a Catholic coalition against the empire, and Bismarck lived in constant dread of European coalitions.
Bismarck in this case gave the Liberals a free hand, and the laws eventually were carried and proclaimed on the 15th of May 1873; hence they got the name of the May laws, by whicti they are always known.
Bismarck confesses that his doubts as to the wisdom of this legislation were raised by the picture of heavy but honest gens darmes pursuing light-footed priests from house to house.
The ecclesiastical legislation and other Liberal measures completed the alienation between Bismarck and the Conservatives.
In Germany, however, it more rapidly attained political importance than elsewhere, because Bismarck used it to carry out a great change of policy.
Hitherto almost the whole of the internal business had been concentrated in the imperial chancery (Reichskanzleraint), and, Bismarck had allowed great freedom of action to DelbrUck, the head of the office.
DelbrUck, however, had resigned in 1876, justly foreseeing that a change of policy was imminent in which he could no longer co-operate with Bismarck.
Bismarck, as always, refused to appoint ministers directly responsible either to the emperor or to parliament; the new officials in no way formed a collegiate ministry or cabinet.
This reorganization was a sign of the great increase of work which had already begun to fall on the imperial authorities, and was a necessary step towards the furthef duties which Bismarck intended to impose upon them.
Bismarck would not assent to these conditions, and, even if he had been willing to do so, could hardly have overcome the prejudices of the emperor.
From the beginning the negotiations were indeed doomed to failure, for what Bismarck appears to have aimed at was to detach Bennigsen from the rest of his party and win his support for an anti-Liberal policy.
Bismarck took the opportunity of avowing that his ideal was a monopoly of tobacco, and this statement was followed by the resignation of Camphausen, minister of finance.
There was then no ground for surprise that, when in April 1878 an attempt was made on the life of the emperor, Bismarck used the excuse for again bringing in a law expressly Legisiadirected against the Socialists.
So great was the popular feeling, that a repressive measure would easily have been carried; Bismarck, however, while the excitement was at its height, dissolved the Reichstag, and in the elections which took place immediately, the Liberal parties, who had refused to vote for the first law, lost a considerable number of seats, and with them their control over the Reichstag.
The first use which Bismarck made of the new parliament was to deal with the Social Democrats.
Bismarck attempted to exclude them from it also.
Bismarck probably expected, and it is often said that he hoped, to drive the Socialists into some flagrant violation of the law, of such a kind that it would be possible for him completely to crush them.
The elections of 1878, by weakening the Liberal parties, enabled Bismarck also to take in hand the great frnancial reform which he had long contemplated.
Proposals to increase it had been made in 1869 and in 1878, and on the latter occasion Bismarck for the first time publicly announced his desire for a state monopoly, a project which he never gave up, but for which he never was able to win any support.
Bismarck had to come to an agreement with one party or the other; he chose the Centre, probably for the reason that the National Liberals were themselves divided on the policy to be pursued, and therefore their support would be uncertain; and he accepted an amendment, the celebrated Franckenstein Clause, proposed by Georg Arbogast Freiherr von Franckenstein (1825-1890), one of the leaders of the Centre, by which all proceeds of custQms and the tax on tobacco above 130 million marks should be paid over to the individual states in proportion to their population.
The remainder of the National Liberals only won forty-five seats in 1881, and during the next three years they were without influence on the government; and even Bennigsen, unable to follow Bismarck in his new policy, disgusted at the proposals for biennial budgets and the misuse of government influence at the elections, retired from political life.
From 1878 to 1887 there was no strong party on which Bismarck could depend for support.
The old feelings of suspicion and jealousy were again aroused; the hostility which Bismarck encountered was scarcely less than in the old days of the conflict.
Now that Bismarck could no longer depend on the support of the Liberals, it would be impossible to carry on the government if the Catholics maintained their End of,the Kulturpolicy of opposition to all government measures.
But the cause of the conflict had been rather in the opinions of the Liberals than in the personal desire of Bismarck himself.
Bismarck, however, was not discouraged.
Meanwhile Bismarck, who was not intimidated by the parliamentary opposition, irritating and embarrassing though it was, resolutely proceeded with his task of developing the National!.
More than this, Bismarck was able to obtain Prussian control of the neighboring states; in 1886 the Brunswick railways were acquired by the Prussian government, and in 1895 the private lines in Thuringia.
During the first years of the empire Bismarck had occasionally been asked to interest himself in colonial enterprise.
The failure of the great Hamburg house of Godefroy in 1879 threatened to ruin the growing German industries in the South Seas, which it had helped to build up. Bismarck therefore consented to apply to the Reichstag for a state guarantee to a company which would take over its great plantations in Samoa.
Bismarck therefore, who took this rebuff much to heart, said he would have nothing more to do with the matter, and warned those interested in colonies that they must depend on self-help; he could do nothing for them.
Bismarck therefore no longer feared, as he formerly had, to encounter the difficulties with Great Britain which would be the natural result of a policy of colonial expansion.
Luderitz, a Bremen tobacco merchant, approached Bismarck on the question of establishing a trading station on the coast at Angra Pequena.
She did not, and in the summer of 1884 Bismarck decided no longer to await her pleasure, and the south-west coast of Africa from the frontier of the Portuguese possessions to the Orange river, with the exception of Walfish Bay, was taken under German protection.
On the east coast Bismarck acted decisively without reference to British interests.
The Spanish government claimed the islands, and Bismarck, in order to avoid a struggle which would have been very disastrous to monarchical government in Spain, suggested that the pope should he asked to mediate.
The loss of the islands was amply compensated for by the political advantages which Bismarck gained by this attention to the pope, and, after all, not many years elapsed before they became German.
It was not, however, possible to limit the imperial responsibility as Bismarck intended.
Bismarck, by summoning a conference to Berlin (1884-1885) to discuss African questions, secured for Germany a European recognition which was very grateful to the colonial parties; and in 1888, by lending his support to the antislavery movement of Cardinal Lavigerie, he won the support of the Centre, who had hitherto opposed the colonial policy.
It was made after Bismarck had retired from office, and he, as did the colonial party, severely criticized the details; for the surrender of Zanzibar and Witu cut short the hopes which had been formed of building up a great German empire controlling the whole of East Africa.
The Peasants Union had actually been forbidden by the police; Bismarck himself was violently attacked for his reputed connection with a great Jewish firm of bankers.
The condition of parties was such that Bismarck could not hope to win a majority for his schemes, especially as he could not obtain the monopoly on tobacco on which he depended to cover the expense.
Bismarck did not wish to lay heavier burdens on the capitalists, and it was not till a later period that they were carried out.
Bismarck had maintained an attitude of neutrality, but after the congress of Berlin he found himself placed between the alternatives of friendship with Austria or Russia.
Bismarck, now that the choice was forced upon him, determined in favor of Austria, and during a visit to Vienna in October, arranged with Count Andrssy an alliance by which in the event of either being attacked by Russia the other was to assist; if either was attacked by any power other than Russia, the other was to preserve benevolent neutrality unless the attacking power was helped by Russia.
Bismarck with some difficulty procured the consent of the emperor, who by arranging a meeting with the tsar had attempted to preserve the old friendship. From that time the alliance with Austria has continued.
In 1884 there was a meeting of the three emperors, and at the same time Bismarck came to a close understanding with France on colonial questions.
Bismarck with great skill used the growing foreign complications as a means of freeing himself from parliamentary difficulties at the same time that he secured the position of Germany in Europe.
Bismarck refused to accept this compromise, and the Reichstag was dissolved.
Bismarck, in order to win the support of the Centre, appealed directly to the pope, but Windthorst took the responsibility of refusing to obey the popes request on a matter purely political.
During a short visit paid by the emperor of Russia to Berlin in November Bismarck discovered that forged despatches misrepresenting the policy of Germany in the Eastern Question had been communicated to him.
For a generation they had waited for his accession, and bitter was their disappointment, for it was known that his son was more inclined to follow the principles of Bismarck than those of his own father.
Bismarck then pointed out that the constitution of the empire did not authorize the emperor to withhold his assent from a law which had passed both the Reichstag and the Bundesrat; he could as king of Prussia oppose it by his representatives in the federal council, but when it had been accepted there, it was his duty as emperor to put the law into execution.
The Conservatives were ready to vote as the government wished; if Bismarck was content with the amended bill, they would vote for it, and it would be carried; no instructions were sent to the party; they therefore voted against the bill, and it was lost.
A few days after the election Bismarck was dismissed from office.
The emperor, who, as Bismarck said, intended to be his own chancellor, required Bismarck to draw .up a decree reversing a cabinet order of Frederick William IV., which gave the Prussian ministerpresident the right of being the sole means of communication between the other ministers and the king.
This Bismarck refused to do, and he was therefore ordered to send in his resignation.
There was below the surface much discontent and subdued criticism of the exaggeration of the monarchical power, which the Germans called Byzantinismus; but after all the nation seemed to welcome the government of the emperor, as it did that of Bismarck.
The first efforts of the New course, as the new administration was termed, showed some attempt to reconcile to the government those parties and persons whom Bismarck had kept in opposition.
The repeal of the Socialist law was naturally welcome to them as a great personal triumph over Bismarck;in the elections of 1890 they won thirty-five, in 1S93 forty-four, in 1898 fifty-six seats.
Moreover, the bitter and unscrupulous attacks of the Bismarckian press to which Caprivi was exposed made him unpopular in the country, for the people could not feel at ease so long as they were governed by a minister of whom Bismarck disapproved.
This opposition was shown in the demand for additional duties on stamps (this was granted by Bismarck), in the opposition to the renewal of the Bank Charter, and especially in the new regulations for the Exchange which were carried in 1896.
A country 1The elevation of Count Billow to the rank of prince immediately after the crisis was significantly compared with the same honor bestowed on Bismarck at Versailles in 1871.
Russia, justly offended, drew closer her ties with Prussia, where Bismarck was already hatching the plans which were to mature in 1866; and, if the attitude of Napoleon in the Polish question prevented any revival of the alliance of Tilsit, the goodwill of Russia was assured for France in the coming struggle with Austria in Italy.
The proclamation on the 26th of February 1861 of the new constitution for the whole monarchy, elaborated by Anton von Schmerling, though far from satisfying the national aspirations of the races within the empire, at least gave Austria a temporary popularity in Germany; the liberalism of the Habsburg monarchy was favourably contrasted with the " reactionary " policy of Prussia, where Bismarck was defying the majority of the diet in his determination to build up the military power of Prussia.
Bismarck had long since decided that the matter could only be settled by the exclusion of Austria altogether, and that the means to this end were not discussion, but " Blood and Iron."
His successor, Count Andrassy, a Hungarian, established a good understanding with Bismarck; and in 1872 the visit of the emperor Francis Joseph, accompanied by his minister, to Berlin, was the final sign of the reconciliation with his uncle.
In the autumn of that year Bismarck visited Vienna and arranged with Andrassy a treaty by which Germany bound herself to support Austria against an attack from Russia, Austria-Hungary pledging herself to help Germany against a combined attack of France and Russia; the result of this treaty, of which the tsar was informed, was to remove, at least for the time, the danger of war between Austria-Hungary and Russia.
The governments on both sides could of course give no countenance to this theory; Bismarck especially was very careful never to let it be supposed that he desired to exercise influence over the internal affairs of his ally.
This decided step was required by Hungarian feeling, but it was a policy in which Austria-Hungarycould not depend on the support of Germany, for - as Bismarck stated - Bulgaria was not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier.
The tariff treaties with Great Britain and France were not renewed, and all attempts to come to some agreement with Germany broke down, owing to the change of policy which Bismarck was adopting at this period.
Bismarck was their national hero, the anniversary of Sedan their political festival, and approximation to Germany was dearer to them than the maintenance of Austria.
The German Club, e.g., congratulated Bismarck on his measures against the Poles; the German Austrians refused to take cognizance of events outside Austria with which they had nothing to do.
For some reason - perhaps because Bismarck did not entirely trust him - he did not at this time attain quite so influential a position as might have been anticipated; nevertheless he was chairman of the parliamentary committee which in 1876 drafted the new rules of legal procedure, and he found scope for his great administrative abilities in the post of burgomaster of Osnabruck.
Probably owing to his early study of socialism, he was very ready to support the new state socialism of Bismarck.
After Bismarck's fall in 1890 he was chosen Prussian minister of finance, and held this post for ten years.
If Busch is to be believed, Prince Bismarck's view was that Lord Rosebery had "quite mesmerized" Count Herbert Bismarck; and the latter, from his father's standpoint, conceded too much to Lord Rosebery, who proved himself to be, in Bismarck's language, "very sharp."
His motion that Baden should be included in the North German Confederation in January 1870 caused much embarrassment to Bismarck, but was not without effect in hastening the crisis of 1870.
A speech made by Lasker on the 7th of February 1873, in which he attacked the management of the Pomeranian railway, caused a great sensation, and his exposure of the financial mismanagement brought about the fall of Hermann Wagener, one of Bismarck's most trusted assistants.
He refused to follow Bismarck in his financial and economic policy after 1878; always unsympathetic to the chancellor, he was now selected for his most bitter attacks.
It was to ask Bismarck officially to communicate a resolution in which a foreign parliament expressed an opinion in German affairs exactly opposed to that which the emperor at his advice had always followed.
Bismarck therefore refused to communicate the resolution, and returned it through the German minister at Washington.
In the promenades are monuments to Moltke, Bismarck and Karl Wilhelm, the composer of the Wacht am Rhein.
Simson continued as president of the Reichstag until 1874, when he retired from the chair, and in 1877 resigned his seat in the Diet, but at Bismarck's urging, accepted the presidency of the supreme court of justice (Reichsgericht), and this high office he filled with great distinction until his final retirement from public life in 1891.
While the council was still sitting the Bavarian minister, Prince Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfiirst, suggested to Bismarck that the 'Powers would do well to bring its deliberations to an end; and immediately after the publication of its decrees Austria notified the pope that so vast an extension of the Church's claims would necessitate a revision of the concordat.
During the earlier years of his reign he undoubtedly had hopes of recovering his lost dominions with the help of Germany, and Bismarck was not the man to discourage such expectations.
There are on the summit of the hill the remains of an old castle, and a monument erected in 1875 to Prince Bismarck, with an inscription taken from one of his speeches against the Ultramontane claims of Rome - "Nach Canossa gehen wir nicht."
Bismarck afterwards said that this speech of Bebel's was a "ray of light," showing him that Socialism was an enemy to be fought against and crushed; and in 1872 Bebel was accused in Brunswick of preparation for high treason, and condemned to two years' imprisonment in a fortress, and, for insulting the German emperor, to nine months' ordinary imprisonment.
Influenced by the economic reaction which took place in 1879 in consequence of the state of affairs in Germany, where Prince Bismarck had introduced the protectionist system, a Protec- protectionist party had been formed, which tried to tionist gain adherents in the Riksdag.
At last Baron Gillis Bildt, who, while Swedish ambassador in Berlin, had witnessed the introduction by Prince Bismarck of the agrarian protectionist system in Germany, accepted the premiership, and it was under his auspices that the two chambers imposed a series of duties on necessaries of life.
Among the most important public squares are the Opern-platz, around or near which stand the opera house, the royal library, the university and the armoury; the Gendarmenmarkt, with the royal theatre in its centre, the Schloss-platz; the Lustgarten, between the north side of the royal palace, the cathedral and the old and new museums; the Pariser-platz with the French embassy, at the Brandenburg Gate; the KBnigs-platz, with the column of Victory, the Reichstagsgebaude and the Bismarck and Moltke monuments; the Wilhelms-platz; the circular Belle-Alliance-platz, with a column commemorating the battle of Waterloo; and, in the western district, the spacious Liitzow-platz.
On the K6nigs-platz between the column of Victory and the Reichstagsgebaude, and immediately facing the western facade of the latter, is the bronze statue of Bismarck, unveiled in 1901, a figure 20 ft.
He was, however, a too warm adherent of free trade principles to enjoy the confidence either of the Agrarian party or of Prince Bismarck, and his antagonism to the tobacco monopoly and the general economic policy of the latter brought about his retirement.
He then studied at Gottingen and Berlin, becoming a friend of Bismarck at Gottingen, and after a period of European travel returned in 1834 to America, where he continued his legal studies.
It possesses a bronze statue of Fritz Reuter (1893); a monument to Bismarck (1895); another commemorating the war of 1870-71 (1895); a small museum of antiquities; and an art collection.
The chief German protectorates are South-west Africa, Togoland and Cameroon, German East Africa, Kaiser Wilhelm Land, Bismarck Archipelago, Solomon Islands, and Kiaochow - under lease from China - (Zeitschrift fitir Kolonialrecht, 1907, p. 311).
While negotiations with Germany for the recognition of the status of the Congo Free State were in progress, Prince Bismarck issued invitations to the powers to an international conference at Berlin.
There are several high-grade schools, monuments to the emperor William I., Bismarck and Moltke, and, in the town-hall, a collection of antiquities.
Acting on the advice of Bismarck, the prince asked for a short leave of absence, resigned his commission in the Prussian army on crossing the frontier, and hastened down the Danube to Rumania, under a feigned name and with a false passport.
The irritation of the powers at the unexpected delay was so great that Great Britain proposed a collective note on the subject, to be executed by the Austrian cabinet; while Prince Bismarck threatened, if the Berlin proposition were not carried out, to refer to the suzerain power at.
Italy was the first of the Powers to notify its recognition of Rumanian independence (December 1879); but Bismarck succeeded in prevailing on the Western Powers not Estab- to give official recognition until Rumania should have purchased the railways from their German owners.
He was much employed by Bismarck in the writing of official despatches, and stood high in the favour of King William, whom he often accompanied on his journeys as representative of the foreign office.
There are many public monuments, one to Bismarck, another to the poet Emil Rittershaus (1834-1897), a native of the town, and one commemorative of the Franco-German War of 1870-71.
In Prussia Bismarck had lately become prime minister, and was animated by ambitious projects for his countrys aggrandizement.
But it was everywhere felt that his mere protest was not likely to affect the result; and the government at last consented to accept a suggestion made by Count Bismarck, and to take part in a conference to discuss the Russian proposal.
In this square are monuments to the emperor William I., Bismarck and Moltke.
It should be remembered that what with the known timidity of his colleagues, and what with the strength and violence of the Russian party in England, his achievement at Berlin was like the reclamation of butter from a dog's mouth; as Prince Bismarck understood in acknowledging Disraeli's gifts of statesmanship. It should also be remembered, when his Eastern policy in 1876-1878 is denounced as malign and a failure, that it was never carried out.
The explanations suggested were that he had made himself very popular at Rome and that his appointment was therefore calculated to strengthen the loosening bonds of the Triple Alliance, and also that his early close association with Bismarck would ensure the maintenance of the Bismarckian tradition.
The Berliner Neueste Nachrichten, commenting on this appointment, very aptly characterized the relations of the new chancellor to the emperor, in contrast to the position occupied by Bismarck.
Count Billow, indeed, though, like Bismarck, a "realist," utilitarian and opportunist in his policy, made no effort to emulate the masterful independence of the great chancellor.
Only a few months elapsed before the paper passed under Bismarck's influence.
There is no more curious episode in German history than the success with which Bismarck acquired the services of many of the men of 1848, but Liebknecht remained faithful to his principles and resigned his editorship. He became a member of the Arbeiterverein, and after the death of Ferdinand Lassalle he was the chief mouthpiece in Germany of Karl Marx, and was instrumental in spreading the influence of the newlyfounded International.
In general it proved that an alliance, to be effective, must be clearly defined as to its objects, and that in the long run the treaty in which these objects are defined must - to quote Bismarck's somewhat cynical dictum - "be reinforced by the interests" of the parties concerned.
From 1870 onwards he was one of Bismarck's press agents, and was at the chancellor's side in this capacity during the whole of the campaign of 1870-71.
In 1878 he published the first of his works on Bismarck - a book entitled Bismarck and seine Leute, wdhrend des Krieges mit Frankreich, in which, under the form of extracts from his diary, he gave an account of the chancellor's life during the war.
Immediately after Bismarck's death Busch published the chancellor's famous petition to the emperor William II.
But while the strength of France was wasting away at Puebla or Mexico, Bismarck was founding German unity.
At Biarritz he prepared with Bismarck the Franco-Prussian alliance of April 1866; and hoped to become, to his greater glory, arbiter in the tremendous conflict which was about to begin.
Hence the mishaps and imprudences of which Bismarck made such an insulting use.
After the intrigues of Bazaine, of Bismarck, and of the empress, the Germans having held negotiations with the Republic, he was de facto deposed.
Prince Bismarck looked upon the rights of Spain over the Caroline Islands in the Pacific as so shadowy that he sent some German war-ships to take possession of a port in the largest island of the group. The action of Germany caused great indignation in Spain, which led, in Madrid, to imposing demonstrations.
Her ambition was centred in her sons, but Bismarck in his recollections of his childhood missed the influences of maternal tenderness.
Young Bismarck was educated in Berlin, first at a private school, then at the gymnasium of the Graue Kloster (Grey Friars).
When he went to Frankfort he was still under the influence of the extreme Prussian Conservatives, men like the Gerlachs, who regarded the maintenance of the principle of the form of bitter personal hostility; in 1863 the ministers refused any longer to attend the sittings, and Bismarck challenged Virchow, one of his strongest opponents, to a duel, which, however, did not take place.
In June 1863, as soon as parliament had risen, Bismarck published ordinances controlling the liberty of the press, which, though in accordance with the letter, seemed opposed to the intentions of the constitution, and it was on this occasion that the crown prince, hitherto a silent opponent, publicly dissociated himself from the policy of his father's ministers.
Bismarck depended for his position solely on the confidence of the king, and the necessity for defending himself against the attempts to destroy this confidence added greatly to the suspiciousness of his nature.
The change of ministry which followed the establishment of a regency in 1857 made it desirable to appoint a new envoy at Frankfort, and in 1858 Bismarck was appointed ambassador at St Petersburg, where he remained for four years.
During the first two years he had little influence on the Prussian government; -the Liberal ministers distrusted his known opinions on parliamentary government, and the monarchical feeling of the prince regent was offended by Bismarck's avowed readiness for alliance with the Italians and his disregard of the rights of other princes.
Roon, who was appointed minister of war in 1861, was an old friend of his, and through him Bismarck was thenceforward kept closely informed of the condition of affairs in Berlin.
When an acute crisis arose out of the refusal of parliament, in 1862, to vote the money required for the reorganization of the army, which the king and Roon had carried through, he was summoned to Berlin; but the king was still unable to make up his mind to appoint him, although he felt that Bismarck was the only man who had the courage and capacity for conducting the struggle with parliament.
In September the parliament, by a large majority, threw out the budget, and the king, having nowhere else to turn for help, at Roon's advice summoned Bismarck to Berlin and appointed him minister-president and foreign minister.
Bismarck's duty as minister was to carry on the government against the wishes of the Lower House, so as to enable the king to complete and maintain the reorganized army.
The conflict of the ministers and the House assumed at times the fort to discuss a reform of the confederation, Bismarck Foreign policy.
There can be no doubt that from the time he entered on office Bismarck was determined to bring to an issue the long struggle for supremacy in Germany between the house of Habsburg and the house of Hohenzollern.
Bismarck, an inheritor of the older Prussian traditions, and recollecting how much of the greatness of Prussia had been gained at the expense of the Poles, offered his help to the tsar.
Bismarck, however, once more was obliged to oppose the current of national feeling, which imperiously demanded that the German duchies should be rescued from a foreign yoke.
There is no part of Bismarck's diplomatic work which deserves such careful study as these events.
The actual cause of dispute was the disposition of the conquered duchies, for Austria now wished to put Augustenburg in as duke, a plan to which Bismarck would not assent.
In 1865 a provisional arrangement was made by the treaty of Gastein, for Bismarck was not yet ready.
No formal treaty was made, but Napoleon promised to regard favourably an extension of Prussian power in Germany; while Bismarck led the emperor to believe that Prussia would help him in extending the frontier of France.
A treaty of alliance with Italy was arranged in the spring of 1866; and Bismarck then with much difficulty overcame the reluctance of the king to embark in a war with his old ally.
This was the great work of Bismarck's life; he had completed the programme foreshadowed in his early speeches, and finished the work of Frederick the Great.
It is also the turning-point in Bismarck's own life.
Bismarck in this crisis by deferring to the emperor in appearance avoided the danger, but he knew that he had been deceived, and the cordial understanding was never renewed.
This Bismarck peremptorily refused, declaring that he would rather have war.
It is necessary, then, to keep in mind the general situation in considering Bismarck's conduct in the months immediately preceding the war of 1870.
Bismarck then produced the secret treaties with the southern states, an act which was, as it were, a challenge to France by the whole of Germany.
During the next three years the Ultramontane party hoped to bring about an anti-Prussian revolution, and Napoleon was working for an alliance with Austria, where Beust, an old opponent of Bismarck's, was chancellor.
Bismarck was doubtless well informed as to the progress of the negotiations, for he had established intimate relations with the Hungarians.
Bismarck was away at Varzin, but on his instructions the Prussian foreign office in answer to inquiries denied all knowledge or responsibility.
The king, by receiving Benedetti at Ems, departed from the policy of reserve Bismarck himself adopted, and Bismarck (who had now gone to Berlin) found himself in a position of such difficulty that he contemplated resignation.
Bismarck published the telegram in which this information and the refusal of the king were conveyed, but by omitting part of the telegram made it appear that the request and refusal had both been conveyed in a more abrupt form than had really been the case.'
In the campaign of 1870-71 Bismarck accompanied the headquarters of the army, as he had done in 1866.
For Bismarck's political career after 1870 we must refer to the article Germany, for he was thenceforward entirely absorbed 1870.
During this period his relations with the 1 It was not till many years later that our knowledge of these events (which is still incomplete) was established; in 1894 the publication of the memoirs of the king of Rumania showed, what had hitherto been denied, that Bismarck had taken a leading part in urging the election of the prince of Hohenzollern.
It was in 1892 that the language used by Bismarck himself made it necessary for the German government to publish the orginal form of the Ems telegram.
Bismarck was made a count in 1865; in 1871 he received the rank of Furst (prince).
Bismarck's wife died in 1894.
Bismarck was an admirable letterwriter, and numbers of his private letters have been published; a collected edition has been brought out by Horst Kohl.
His letters to his wife were published by Prince Herbert Bismarck (Stuttgart, 1900).
Next in importance are two works, Bismarck als Volkswirth and Aktenstiicke zur Wirthschaftspolitik des Fiirsten Bismarck, which are part of the collection of state papers, Akenstiicke zur Geschichte der Wirthschaftspolitik in Preussen.
They contain full information on Bismarck's commercial policy, including a number of important state papers.
A useful general collection is that by Ludwig Hahn, Bismarck, sein politisches Leben, &c. (5 vols., Berlin, 1878-1891), which includes a selection from letters, speeches and newspaper articles.
These collections have only been possible owing to the extreme generosity which Bismarck showed in permitting the publication of documents; he always professed to have no secrets.
Selections from these have been published in English by Charles Lowe, The Tabletalk of Prince Bismarck, and by Sidney Whitman, Conversations with Bismarck.
By far the fullest guide to Bismarck's life is Horst Kohl's Fiirst Bismarck, Regesten zu einer wissenschaftlichen Biographic (Leipzig, 1891-1892), which contains a record of Bismarck's actions on each day, with references to and extracts from his letters and speeches.
Poschinger also brought out a Bismarck Portfeuille.
A useful bibliography of all works on Bismarck up to 1895 is Paul Schulze and Otto Koller's BismarckLiteratur (Leipzig, 1896).
In 1881 a circular note from the British ministry to the five powers was evasively answered, and in 1883 Prince Bismarck intimated to the British government that Germany cared nothing about Armenian reforms and that the matter had better be allowed to drop. Russia had changed her policy towards the Armenians, and the other powers were indifferent.
It was after this that he was instructed to present to Bismarck French demands for "compensation," and in August, after his return to Berlin, as a result of his discussions with Bismarck a draft treaty was drawn up, in which Prussia promised France her support in the annexation of Belgium.
This treaty was never concluded, but the draft, which was in Benedetti's handwriting, was kept by Bismarck and, in 1870, a few days after the outbreak of the war, was published by him in The Times.
He answered the charges brought against him in a book, Ma Mission en Prusse (Paris, 1871), which still remains one of the most valuable authorities for the study of Bismarck's diplomacy.
The idea of the annexation of part of Belgium to France had been suggested to him first by Bismarck; and the use to which Bismarck put the draft was not one which he could be expected to anticipate, for he had carried on the negotiations in good faith.
During the War she took part in many major events, the first of which was the pursuit of the german battleship Bismarck.
Historians still debate whether the german chancellor, Bismarck, deliberately set out to provoke Austria.
However some of Bismarck's domestic policies proved very divisive.
And such impetuosity was equally evident in the speed with which he proceeded to dismiss Germany's great Chancellor, Bismarck.
By contrast, the sunken Bismarck was largely intact.
He was a conservative, an admirer of Bismarck, the Prussian chancellor who led the movement for german unification to success in 1870.
In the Reichstag he became the leader of the Opposition, and a vigorous antagonist to Bismarck.
But his position had become untenable, partly owing to an ill-considered telegram which he addressed to the tsar on his return; partly in consequence of the attitude of Prince Bismarck, who, in conjunction with the Russian and Austrian governments, forbade him to punish the leaders of the military conspiracy.
Bismarck, moreover, was indignant at the connivance of the Italian government in the Garibaldian expedition to Dijon, and was irritated by Visconti-Venostas plea in the Italian parliament for the integrity of French territory.
Visconti-Ven.osta and Minghetti, partly from aversion to a Jacobin policy, and partly from a conviction that Bismarck sooner or later would undertake his Gang nach Canossa, regardless of any tacit engagement he might have assumed towards Italy, had wisely declined to be drawn into any infraction of the Law of Guarantees.
For the moment Germany was to hold aloof lest any active initiative on her part should displease the Vatican, of whose help Bismarck stood in need.
But on 9th November the European situation was suddenly modified by the formation of the Gambetta cabinet, and, in view of the policy of revenge with which Gambetta was supposed to be identified, it became imperative for Bismarck to assure himself that Italy would not be enticed into a Francophil attitude by any concession Gambetta might offer.
Bismarck nevertheless continued his press campaign in favor of the temporal power until, reassured by Gambettas decision to send Roustan back to Tunis to complete as minister the anti-Italian programme begun as consul, he finally instructed his organs to emphasize the common interests of Germany and Italy on the occasion of the opening of the St Gothard tunnel.
But for the Tunisian question Italy might again have been drawn into the wake of France, Mancini tried to impede the organization of French rule in thi Regency by refusing to recognize the treaty of Bardo, yet sc careless was Bismarck of Italian susceptibilities that he in.
These very considerations naturally combined to recommend the fact to constitutionalists, who saw in it, besides the territorial guarantee, the elimination of the danger of foreign interference in the relations between Italy and the Vatican, such as Bismarck had recently threatened and such as France was believed ready to propose.
The probability of the conclusion of a new Franco-Italian treaty was small, both on account of the protectionist spirit of France and of French resentment at the renewal of the triple alliance, but even such slight probability vanished after a visit paid to Bismarck by Crispi (October 1887) within three months of his appointment to the premiership. Crispi entertained no a priori animosity towards France, but was strongly convinced that Italy must emancipate herself from the position of political dependence on her powerful neighbor which had vitiated the foreign policy of the Left.
But his ostentatious visit to Friedrichsruh, and a subsequent speech at Turin, in which, while professing sentiments of friendship and esteem for France, he eulogized the personality of Bismarck, aroused against him a hostility on the part of the French which he was never afterwards able to allay.