How to use Bacon in a sentence
The scent of bacon reached her from the kitchen.
She opened the refrigerator - milk, eggs, and bacon - the usual supplies.
At least have some toast or bacon.
He was even more definitely opposed to " final causes " than Francis Bacon, who excluded them from science but admitted them to theology.
Bacon argued keenly on geographical matters and was a lover of maps, in which he observed and reasoned upon such resemblances as that between the outlines of South America and Africa.Advertisement
The play is, however, founded on Bacon's Life, of which the text is used by Ford with admirable discretion, and on Thomas Gainsford's True and Wonderful History of Perkin Warbeck (1618).
It was evidently influenced by the recent uprising in Virginia under Nathaniel Bacon.
Try french toast topped with cheddar cheese and bacon or sour-cream breakfast crepes with raspberries.
The principal imports are butter, woollens, timber, cereals, eggs, glass, cottons, preserved meat, wool, sugar and bacon.
In 1676, during " Bacon's Rebellion," a party of Virginians under Bacon's command killed about 150 Indians who were defending a fort on a hill a short distance east of the site of Richmond in the " Battle of Bloody Run," so called because the blood of the slain savages is said to have coloured the brook (or " run ") at the base of the hill.Advertisement
The approach of the " Monitor " and the Union gunboats up the James river caused a partial and temporary panic; President Davis appointed a day for prayer, and the families of some of the cabinet secretaries and many citizens fled the city precipitately; but confidence, restored by " Bacon's Rebellion," was auditor-general of the colony from 1687 until his death, and was a member of the committee which founded the College of William and Mary.
Very little is known of Bacon's life at Oxford; it is said he took orders in 1233, and this is not improbable.
The contrast between the obscurity of such a man and the fame enjoyed by the fluent young doctors roused Bacon's indignation.
It is, however, with the Opus Majus that Bacon's real activity begins.
The offendicula have sometimes been looked upon as an anticipation of Francis Bacon's Idola, but the two classifications have little in common.Advertisement
In the sphere of natural science, Bacon's importance is attested by references to his work in the writings of the principal scientists, not only English, but French, German and Italian.
Howie was seated at the table while Quinn and Martha performed kitchen duty with eggs and bacon.
The influence of an advancing study of nature, which was stimulated if not guided by Bacon's writings, is seen in the more careful doctrines of materialism worked out almost simultaneously by Hobbes and Gassendi.
We do not know what opinion Clement formed of them, but before his death he seems to have bestirred himself on Bacon's behalf, for in 1268 the latter was permitted to return to Oxford.
We cannot do more than refer to Charles for discussions as to how this theory of nature is connected with the metaphysical problems of force and matter, with the logical doctrine of universals, and in general with Bacon's theory of knowledge.Advertisement
Bacon's fame in popular estimation has always rested on his mechanical discoveries.
The 13th century, an age peculiarly rich in great men, produced few, if any, who can take higher rank than Roger Bacon.
Occam's dictum "Entia non multiplicanda sunt praeter necessitatem" was inspired by a spirit similar to that of Bacon.
In his Sylva sylvarum (1627), Francis Bacon states that " the original concretion of bitumen is a mixture of a fiery and watery substance," and observes that flame " attracts " the naphtha of Babylon " afar off."
The descent of alchemistical doctrine can thus be traced with fair continuity for a thousand years, from the Greeks of Alexandria down to the time when Latin alchemy was firmly established in the West, and began to be written of by historical authors like Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon and Arnoldus Villanovanus in the 13th century.Advertisement
Another statesman of the same age, Sir Nicholas Bacon, was born here in 1510.
The heterodox movements in Italy in the 13th and 14th centuries, such as those of the Segarellists, Dolcinists, and Fraticelli of every description, were penetrated with Joachimism; while such independent spirits as Roger Bacon, Arnaldus de Villa Nova and Bernard Dblicieux often comforted themselves with the thought of the era of justice and peace promised by Joachim.
The chief exports are fish, cereals, bacon; imports, petroleum and coal.
Two names stand apart from the others of the century - Raimon Lull (1234-1315) and Roger Bacon (1214-1294).
Roger Bacon was rather a pioneer of modern science than a Scholastic, and persecution and imprisonment were the penalty of his opposition to the spirit of his time.
Occam, who is still a Scholastic, gives us the Scholastic justification of the spirit which had already taken hold upon Roger Bacon, and which was to enter upon its rights in the 15th and 16th centuries.
But he had other tastes, which impelled him irresistibly to pursue those studies which, as Bacon says, "serve for delight, for ornament and for ability."
It is often assumed that the writings and influence of Bacon did much towards introducing a more scientific method into medicine and physiology.
But, without discussing the general philosophical position or historical importance of Bacon, it may safely be said that his direct influence can be little traced in medical writings of the first half of the r 7th century.
There, under the shadow of the elm trees which Bacon had planted, Pepys and his wife constantly walked.
The entertainment was prepared by Sir Francis Bacon at a cost of about X2000.
His criticism of Bacon, Ober Francis von Verulam, was first published in 1863 in the Augsburger allgemeine Zeitung, where also most of his letters on chemistry made their first appearance.
His arrangement of concave and plane mirrors, by which the realistic images of objects inside the house or in the street could be rendered visible though intangible, there alluded to, may apply to a camera on Cardan's principle or to a method of aerial projection by means of concave mirrors, which Bacon was quite familiar with, and indeed was known long before his time.
On the strength of similar arrangements of lenses and mirrors the invention of the camera obscura has also been claimed for Leonard Digges, the author of Pantometria (1571), who is said to have constructed a telescope from information given in a book of Bacon's experiments.
Wotton written to Lord Bacon in 1620 we learn that Kepler had made himself a portable dark tent fitted with a telescope lens and used for sketching landscapes.
The earliest mention of the camera obscura in England is probably in Francis Bacon's De Augmentis Scientiarum, but it is only as an illustration of the projected images showing better on a white screen than on a black one.
In the village of South Natick is the Bacon Free Library (1880), in which is housed the Historical, Natural History and Library Society.
Browne, Bacon, Bulwer, &c., use it to explain a material pointed shape.
Estimates of Pilate's attitude at this point have varied infinitely, from Tertullian's, that he was " already in conviction a Christian " - jam pro sua conscientia Christianus- to Bacon's " jesting Pilate," who would not stay for a reply.
Names like Shakespeare, Grotius, Bacon, Hobbes appear in half a dozen different places.
Like Bacon and Telesio he preferred the older Greek philosophers, who had looked at nature for themselves, and whose speculations had more of reality in them.
He may conceivably have met Bacon, but it is quite incredible that he met Shakespeare in the printing shop of Thomas Vautrollier.
Luther and his contemporaries had not in any degree the modern idea of progress, which first becomes conspicuous with Bacon and Descartes, but believed, on the contrary, that the strangling of reason was the most precious of offerings to God.
On the fall of Bacon in 1621 Williams, who had meantime ingratiated himself with the duke of Buckingham, was appointed lord keeper, and was at the same time made bishop of Lincoln, retaining also the deanery of Westminster.
The most important of his treatises is the De Causis corruptarum Artium, which has been ranked with Bacon's Organon.
A revival of the custom was effected in 1855 by Harrison Ainsworth, author of the novel The Flitch of Bacon, but the scene of the ceremony was transferred to the town hall of Great Dunmow.
Bacon describes oak-apples as " an exudation of plants joined with putrefaction."
Boyle's great merit as a scientific investigator is that he carried out the principles which Bacon preached in the Novum Organum.
In his last words on the scaffold he alludes to the dangers and slanders he had endured labouring to keep an uniformity in the external service of God; and Bacon's conception of a spiritual union founded on variety and liberty was one completely beyond his comprehension.
Milton, in his Tractate on Education (1644), advances further on Bacon's lines, protesting against the length of time spent on instruction in language, denouncing merely verbal knowledge, and recommending the study of a large number of classical authors for the sake of their subject appointed to consider the studies and examinations of the university, their report of November 1904 on the Previous Examination was fully discussed, and the speeches published in the Reporter for December 17, 1904.
This version gradually became accepted as the standard text, and after a time was called the " Vulgata," the first to use this name as a title being, it is said, Roger Bacon.
Three years later he married (21st of December 1546) Mildred, daughter of Sir Anthony Cooke, who was ranked by Ascham with Lady Jane Grey as one of the two most learned ladies in the kingdom, and whose sister, Anne, became the wife of Sir Nicholas, and the mother of Sir Francis, Bacon.
The use of mechanical refrigerating plants for chilling the pork has made it practicable to cure the bacon with the use of a small percentage of salt, leaving it mild in flavour when delivered in European markets.
Pigs, mostly of the Yorkshire, Berkshire and Tamworth breeds, are reared and fattened in large numbers, and there is a valuable export trade in bacon.
Bacon with an excess of fat is not wanted, except in the lumber camps; consequently the farmers of Canada have cultivated a class of swine for bacon having plenty of lean and firm flesh.
In all this he resembled Roger Bacon.
The usual character of scribes' alterations is well illustrated by a passage in Bacon's Advancement of Learning, II.
The Latin commentators, the Arabians and the schoolmen show how Aristotle has been the chief author of modern culture; while the vindication of modern independence comes out in his critics, the greatest of whom were Roger and Francis Bacon.
The imports include wheat, flour, Indian corn, jerked beef (carne secca), lard, bacon, wines and liquors, butter, cheese, conserves of all kinds, coal, cotton, woollen, linen and silk textiles, boots and shoes, earthenand glasswares, railway material, machinery, furniture, building material, including pine lumber, drugs and chemicals, and hardware.
It was counteracted to some extent by the study at the universities of the deductive logic of Aristotle and the inductive logic of Bacon, by parts of Mill's own logic, and by the natural realism of Reid, Stewart, and Hamilton, which met Hume's scepticism by asserting a direct perception of the external world.
Centuries elapsed after Aquinas before Galileo and his successors reformed natural science, and before Bacon destroyed the metaphysical dualism of matter and form by showing that a form in Nature is only a law of the action of matter, and that, as the action of a body is as individual as the body, the form is eternal only in thought (ratione).
These great improvements, due to the genius of Galileo, of Bacon, of Descartes, are the fresh beginnings of modern thought, from which we dare not turn back without falling into obscurantism.
Roger Bacon (Opus majus and Opus minus, 1266-1267) was acquainted with the properties of the lodestone, and wrote that if set so that it can turn freely (swimming on water) it points toward the poles; but he stated that this was not due to the pole-star, but to the influence of the northern region of the heavens.
Roger Bacon, his pupil, speaks highly of his attainments in theology and mathematics.
Sir Reginald Bacon had contemplated an attack on it with monitors, but the Admiralty had disapproved, and it was not till the appointment of Rear-Adml.
When on the last day of the year 1600 Queen Elizabeth granted a charter to George, earl of Cumberland, and other "adventurers," to be a body-corporate by the name of " The Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading with the East Indies," the expressed recognition of higher duties than those of commerce may by some be deemed a mere matter of form, and, to use the words of Bacon, " what was first in God's providence was but second in man's appetite and intention."
The settlement was in a low marshy district which proved to be unhealthy; it was accidentally burned in January 1608, was almost completely destroyed by Nathaniel Bacon in September 1676, the state house and other buildings were again burned in 1698, and after the removal of the seat of government of Virginia from Jamestown to the Middle Plantations (now Williamsburg) in 1699 the village fell rapidly into decay.
Dividing the intelligent soul into these three faculties, he shows - after the manner which Francis Bacon subsequently adopted - what branches of science correspond with each.
In 1594 he was promoted to the office of attorney-general, despite the claims of Bacon, who was warmly supported by the earl of Essex.
Bacon was again his rival, and again unsuccessfully; the wealthy young widow became - not, it is said, to his future comfort - Coke's second wife.
James, through Bacon, who was then attorney-general, commanded the chief justice to delay judgment till he himself should discuss the question with the judges.
At Coke's request Bacon sent a letter containing the same command to each of the judges, and Coke then obtained their signatures to a paper declaring that the attorney-general's instructions were illegal, and that they were bound to proceed with the case.
Her mother, supported at first by her husband's great rival and her own former suitor, Bacon, objected to the match, and placed her in concealment.
It will be remembered that when the laird of Dumbiedikes lay dying (Scott's Heart of Midlothian, chap. viii.) he gave his son one bit of advice which Bacon himself could not have bettered.
In 1885 he published a life of Francis Bacon.
With Bacon he was so intimate (Aubrey's Lives, pp. 222, 602) that some writers have described him as a disciple.
The facts that he used to walk with Bacon at Gorhambury, and would jot down with exceptional intelligence the eager thinker's sudden " notions," and that he was employed to make the Latin version of some of the Essays, prove nothing when weighed against his own disregard of all Bacon's principles, and the other evidence that the impulse to independent thinking came to him not from Bacon, and not till some time after Bacon's death in 1626.1 So far as we have any positive evidence, it was not before the year 1629 that Hobbes entered on philosophical inquiry.
The word " Induction," which occurs in only three or four passages throughout all his works (and these again minor ones), is never used by him with the faintest reminiscence of the import assigned to it by Bacon; and, as will be seen, he had nothing but scorn for experimental work in physics.
Harvey (not Bacon) is the only Englishman he mentions in the dedicatory epistle prefixed to the De corpore, among the founders, before himself, of the new natural philosophy.
As already suggested, it cannot be allowed that Hobbes falls into any regular succession from Bacon; neither can it be said that he handed on the torch to Locke.
He was the one English thinker of the first rank in the long period of two generations separating Locke from Bacon, but, save in the chronological sense, there is no true relation of succession among the three.
The Large Black breed, which vies with the Large White breed for size, and is probably its superior as a bacon pig, has only since 1900 received national show-yard recognition; but there is ample evidence that, with its characteristic whole black colour with a mealy hue, length, fine hair and lop ear, the Large Black existed in the south of England for generations.
Originally a local breed in the districts around the Staffordshire town from which it takes its name, it is now extensively bred, and highly valued as a bacon pig.
In Iowa the Berkshire is a combined lard and bacon pig in high favour.
Next to butter the most important article of Danish export is bacon, and huge quantities of eggs are also exported.
For further details see Bacon, Triple Tradition of Exodus, pp. III f., 132 f.
His foundation of the College of God's Gift, commonly called Dulwich College, was opened with great state on the 13th of September 161 9, in the presence of Lord Chancellor Bacon, Lord Arundell, Inigo Jones and other distinguished men.
A scheme .for complete union of England and Scotland, promoted by James and by Francis Bacon, was unwelcome to and rejected by the two jealous countries (1604-1606).
Owing to the lack of railway communication Jerez is of little commercial importance; its staple trade is in agricultural produce, especially in ham and bacon from the large herds of swine which are reared in the surrounding oak forests.
Telesio was the head of the great South Italian movement which protested against the accepted authority of abstract reason, and sowed the seeds from which sprang the scientific methods of Campanella and Bruno, of Bacon and Descartes, with their widely divergent results.
William Molyneux, in his Dioptrica Nova (1692), p. 256, declares his opinion that Roger Bacon (who died c. 12 9 4) "did perfectly well understand all kinds of optic glasses, and knew likewise the method of combining them so as to compose some such instrument as our telescope."
These passages certainly prove that Bacon had very nearly, if not perfectly, arrived at theoretical proof of the possibility of constructing a telescope and a microscope; but his writings give no account of the trial of an actual telescope, nor any detailed results of the application of a telescope to an examination of the heavens.
It has been pointed out by Dr Robert Smith, in his Complete System of Opticks, that Bacon imagines some effects of telescopes which cannot be performed by them, and his conclusion is that Bacon never actually looked through a telescope.
Thomas Digges, in his Stratioticus, p. 359, published in 1579, states that his father, Leonard Digges, "among other curious practices had a method of discovering by perspective glasses set at due angles all objects pretty far distant that the sun shone upon, which lay in the country round about," and that this was by the help of a manuscript book of Roger Bacon of Oxford, who he conceived was the only man besides his father who knew it.
Roger Bacon, in his severe criticism on the ignorance of Greek displayed by the most eminent scholastic writers, expressly exempts Erigena, and ascribes to him a knowledge of Aristotle in the original.
It remained for Francis Bacon to develop these beginnings into a new logic of induction.
Bacon, like Aristotle, was anticipated in this or that point; but, as Aristotle was the first to construct a system of deduction in the syllogism and its three figures, so Bacon was the first to construct a system of induction in three ministrations, in which the requisites of induction, hitherto recognized only in sporadic hints, were combined for the first time in one logic of induction.
In short, the comprehensive genius of Bacon widened logic into a general science of inference.
On the other hand, as Aristotle over-emphasized deduction so Bacon over-emphasized induction by contending that it is the only process of discovering universals (axiomata), which deduction only applies to particulars.
It is also most interesting to notice that Aristotle saw further than Bacon in this direction.
The consilience of empirical and deductive processes was an Aristotelian discovery, elaborated by Mill against Bacon.
On the whole, however, Aristotle, Bacon and Mill, purged from their errors, form one empirical school, gradually growing by adapting itself to the advance of science; a school in which Aristotle was most influenced by Greek deductive Mathematics, Bacon by the rise of empirical physics at the Renaissance, and Mill by the Newtonian combination of empirical facts and mathematical principles in the Principia.
Thus has logic drifted further and further from the real and empirical logic of Aristotle the founder and Bacon the reformer of the science.
Empirical logic, the logic of Aristotle and Bacon, is on the right way.
As Bacon would say, it is a belief that all individual bodies qua hot are individually but similarly moving in their particles.
Induction, in fact, is no species of deduction; they are opposite processes, as Aristotle regarded them except in the one passage where he was reducing the former to the latter, and as Bacon always regarded them.
Bacon alone was right in altogether opposing induction to syllogism, and in finding inductive rules for the inductive process from particular instances of presence, absence in similar circumstances, and comparison.
There are two old logics which still remain indispensable, Aristotle's Organon and Bacon's Novum Organum.
Aristotle, however, treats it as a dialectical rival to syllogism, and it influenced Galilei and Bacon in their views of inference after the Renaissance.
It is the middle range of the µEaa of Philebus 17a that appeals to Bacon, not only this but their mediating quality that appeals to Aristotle.
Nor is it Bacon's method of exclusions, which escapes the imputation of being dialectical, if not that of being unduly cumbrous, in virtue of the cogency of the negative instance.
This is to be seen in Zabarella, 1 in Galilei, 2 and in Bacon.
That what, e.g., Bacon says of his method may run counter to this is an accident of the tradition of the quarrel with realism.
But consider Bacon's own doctrine of forms. Or watch the mathematical physicist with his formulae.
Bacon was no mathematician, and so was out of touch with the main army of progress.
It were better called exclusiva or elimination of the alternative, which Bacon proposes to achieve, and thereby guarantee his conclusion against the possibility of instance to the contrary.
Bacon's method begins with a digest into three tables of the facts relevant to any inquiry.
The positive procedure by hypothesis and verification is rejected by Bacon, who thinks of hypothesis as the will o' the wisp of science, and prefers the cumbrous machinery of negative reasoning.
In his doctrine of forms, too, the " universals " of his logic, Bacon must at least be held to have been on a path which led forward and not back.
Had Bacon analysed bodies into their elements, instead of their qualities and ways of behaviour, he would have been the logician of the chemical formula.
For the rest he was too Aristotelian, if we take the word broadly enough, or, as the result of his Cambridge studies, 3 Bacon, Novum Organum, ii.
Bacon's Logic, then, like Galilei's, intended as a contribution to scientific method, a systematization of discovery by which, given the fact of knowledge, new items of knowledge may be acquired, failed to convince contemporaries and successors alike of its efficiency as an instrument.
Hobbes developed the nominalism which had been the hallmark of revolt against scholastic orthodoxy, and, when he brings this into relation with the analysis and synthesis of scientific A notable formula of Bacon's Novum Organum ii.
See Ellis in Bacon's Works, iii.
In these the single method of Bacon is already split up into separate modes.
Bacon's form has already in transmission through Hobbes been transmuted into cause as antecedent in the time series.
It may, perhaps, be accounted to Hume for righteousness that he declares - whether consistently or not is another matter - that " the same effect never arises but from the same cause," and that he still follows Bacon in the conception of absentia in proximo.
It was because the aftermath of Newtonian science was so rich that the scientific faith of naturalism was able to retain a place besides its epistemological creed that a logician of the school could arise whose spirit was in some sort Baconian, but who, unlike Bacon, had entered the modern world, and faced the problems stated for it by Hume and by Newton.
He was therefore enabled to formulate the method of what Bacon had tended to despise as merely the " first vintage."
Bacon spent his strength upon a dream of organization for all future discovery.
The difference between Bacon and Mill lies chiefly in this, and it is because of this difference that Mill's contribution, spite of its debt to the Baconian tradition, remains both characteristic and valuable.
A fundamental contrast to the school of Bacon and of Locke is afforded by the great systems of reason, owning Cartesian inspira tion, which are identified with the names of Spinoza and Leibnitz.
In indicating specifically, too, the case of conclusion from a copulative major premise with a disjunctive minor, Herbart seems to have suggested the cue for Sigwart's exposition of Bacon's method of exclusions.
According to Bacon he was a recluse who devoted himself to the study of nature, was able to work metals, invented armour and assisted St Louis in one of his expeditions more than his whole army.
According to Emile Charles (Roger Bacon sa vie, ses ouvrages, ses doctrines, 1861), Peter of Maricourt is the Pierre Peregrin (or Pelerin) de Maricourt (Meharicourt in Picardy), known also as Petrus Peregrinus of Picardy, one of whose letters, De magnete, is partly reproduced in Libri's Hist.
Its acorn-fed swine are celebrated throughout Spain for their hams and bacon, and large herds of sheep and goats thrive where the pasture is too meagre for cattle.
Under these circumstances, Nathaniel Bacon (1647-1676), whose grandfather was a cousin of Francis Bacon, took up the cause of the borderers and severely punished the Indians at the battle of Bloody Run.
But Berkeley meanwhile had outlawed Bacon, whose forces now marched on the capital demanding recognition as the authorized army of defence.
But Bacon fell a victim to malaria and died in October in Gloucester county.
A single Roger Bacon does not relieve his age of the charge.
Then, after the indifference of humanists and Protestant polemic, came the disgust of men of science at the scholastic philosophy - an attitude best exhibited in Bacon's Advancement of Learning.
Physical science struggled into feeble life in the cells of Gerbert and Roger Bacon.
From the midst of the Franciscans who had persecuted Roger Bacon because he presumed to know more than was consistent with human humility arose John of Parma, adopting and popularizing the mystic prophecy of Joachim of Flora.
Telesio and Campanella may be termed the predecessors of Bacon.
To complete the sketch, we must set Bacon, the expositor of modern scientific method, beside Spenser and Shakespeare, as the third representative of the Renaissance in England.
As the benefactor and protector of Roger Bacon he has a special title to the gratitude of posterity.
The birth of modern physical science on the other hand in the investigations of Bacon and Descartes obscured the metaphysical issue by the predominance of the mechanical principles of natural philosophy.
Very little is known of Bacon's early life and education.
With the first germs of this great conception in his mind, Bacon left the university.
The sudden death of his father in February 1578/9 necessitated Bacon's return to England, and exercised a very serious influence on his fortunes.
In the fragment De Interpretation Naturae Prooemium (written probably about 1603) Bacon analyses his own mental character and lays before us the objects he had in view when he entered on public life.
The constant striving after these three ends is the key to Bacon's life.
His uncle, who appears to have " taken his zeal for ambition," wrote him a severe letter, taking him to task for arrogance and pride, qualities which Bacon vehemently disclaimed.
Some time before this, perhaps as early as 1588, Bacon appears to have become acquainted with the earl of Essex, Elizabeth's favourite.
In February 1 593 parliament was called, and Bacon took his seat for Middlesex.
As Bacon's conduct in this emergency seriously affected his fortunes and has been much misunderstood, it is necessary to state, as briefly as possible, the whole facts of the case.
This proposal of the Lords to discuss supply infringed upon the privileges of the Commons; accordingly, when the report of committee was read to the Lower House, Bacon spoke against the proposed conference, pointing out at the same time that a communication from the Lords might be received, but that the actual deliberation on it must be taken by themselves alone.
Bacon, who approved of the increased subsidy, was opposed to the short period in which it was proposed to raise it.
Bacon, as it turned out, had been mistaken in thinking that the country would be unable to meet the increased taxation, and his conduct, though prompted by a pure desire to be of service to the queen, gave deep and well-nigh ineradicable offence.
The queen delayed the appointment, and Bacon's fortunes, as they then stood, could ill brook delay.
Essex, though bitterly mortified, at once threw all his energies into the endeavour to procure for Bacon the solicitorship; but in this case also, his method of dealing, which was wholly opposed to Bacon's advice,' seemed to irritate the queen.
Burghley and Sir John Puckering seem to have assisted Bacon honestly, if not overwarmly, in this second application; but the conduct of Cecil had roused suspicions which were not perhaps without foundation.
Essex, to compensate in some degree for Bacon's disappointment, insisted on presenting him with a piece of land, worth about 1800, and situated probably near Twickenham Park.
Nor did his kindness cease there; before sailing on the expedition to Cadiz, in the beginning of 1596, he addressed letters to Buckhurst, Fortescue and Egerton, earnestly requesting them to use their influence towards procuring for Bacon the vacant office of master of the rolls.
Bacon saw clearly that such a reputation would assuredly alienate the affections of the queen, who loved not to have a subject too powerful or too popular.
Bacon's affairs in the meantime had not been prospering.
The earl's affairs were then at a somewhat critical stage, and as our judgment upon a most important episode in Bacon's life depends upon our knowledge of the events of the ensuing year, it will be requisite to enter somewhat minutely into proceedings with which Bacon himself had nothing to do.
His great popularity, and the general ignorance of the reasons for his imprisonment, stirred up a strong feeling against the queen, who was reported to be influenced by Bacon, and such indignation was raised against the latter that his friends feared his life would be in danger.
It was at last felt necessary that the queen should in some way vindicate her proceedings, and this she at first did, contrary to Bacon's advice, by a declaration from the Star Chamber.
This, however, gave little or no satisfaction, and it was found expedient to do what Bacon had always recommended, to have a fair trial, yet not one in which the sentence must needs be damaging to the earl.
The trial accordingly took place before a body of her majesty's councillors, and Bacon had a subordinate and unimportant part in the accusation.
Essex does not seem to have been at all hurt by his action in this matter, and shortly after his release they were again on friendly terms, Bacon drawing up letters as if to or from the earl with the design of having them brought before the queen.
But Bacon did not know the true character of the transactions in which Essex had been.
Essex was tried along with the young earl of Southampton, and Bacon, as one of her majesty's counsel, was present on the occasion.
On the first opportunity Bacon rose and briefly pointed out that the earl's plea of having done nothing save what was absolutely necessary to defend his life from the machinations of his enemies was weak and worthless, inasmuch as these enemies were purely imaginary; and he compared his case to that of Peisistratus, who had made use of a somewhat similar stratagem to cloak his real designs upon the city of Athens.
He was thereupon interrupted by the earl, who proceeded to defend himself, by declaring that in one of the letters drawn up by Bacon, and purporting to be from the earl to Anthony Bacon, the existence of these rumours, and the dangers to be apprehended from them, had been admitted; and he continued, " If these reasons were then just and true, not counterfeit, how can it be that now my pretences are false and injurious?"
To this Bacon replied, that " the letters, if they were there, would not blush to be seen for anything contained in them, and that he had spent more time in vain in studying how to make the earl a good servant to the queen than he had done in anything else."
It seems to be forgotten in the general accounts of this matter, not only that Bacon's letters bear out what he said, but that the earl's excuses were false.
A second time Bacon was compelled to interfere in the course of the trial, and to recall to the minds of those present the real question at issue.
Bacon's use of this illustration and of the former one of Peisistratus, has been much commented on, and in general it seems to have been thought that had it not been for his speeches Essex might have escaped, or, at all events, have been afterwards pardoned.
Unfortunately, prudential motives hindered the publication of the whole evidence; the people, consequently, were still ignorant of the magnitude of the crime, and, till recently, biographers of Bacon have been in a like ignorance.
This was entrusted to Bacon, who drew up a Declaration of the Practices and Treasons attempted and committed by Robert, late Earl of Essex, his first draft being extensively altered and corrected by the queen and council.
Nothing is known with certainty of the reception given to this official explanation, but the ill-feeling against Bacon was not wholly removed, and some years later, in 1604, he published, in the form of a letter to Mountjoy, an Apology for his action in the case.
This Apology gives a most fair and temperate history of the relations between Bacon and Essex, shows how the prudent counsel of the one had been rejected by the other, and brings out very clearly what we conceive to be the true explanation of the matter.
Those who blame Bacon must acquit Essex of all wrong-doing.
Bacon's private fortunes, during the period after the death of Essex, were not in a flourishing condition.
In fact, while the king confirmed in their situations those who had held crown offices under Elizabeth, Bacon, not holding his post by warrant, was practically omitted.
In March 1604 parliament met, and during their short session Bacon's hands seem to have been full of work.
The records are barely full enough to enable us to judge of the share taken by Bacon in these discussions; his name generally appears as the reporter of the committees on special subjects.
It seems quite evident 3 that Bacon, from position, early training and, one might almost think, natural inclination, held as his ideal of government the Elizabethan system.
In the course of this session Bacon married Alice Barnham " the alderman's daughter, an handsome maiden, to my liking," of whom he had written some years before to his cousin Cecil.
Bacon argued ably in favour of this measure, but the general feeling was against it.
Bacon's services were rewarded in June 1607 by the office of solicitor.'
Prerogative, despite Bacon's advice and efforts, clashed more than once with liberty; Salisbury's bold schemes for relieving the embarrassment caused by the reckless extravagance of the king proved abortive, and the House was dissolved in February 1611.
Bacon took a considerable share in the debates, consistently upheld the prerogative, and seemed yet to possess the confidence of the Commons.
The death of Salisbury, occuring soon after, opened a position in which Bacon thought his great political skill and sagacity might be made more immediately available for the king's service.
The death of Sir Thomas Fleming made a vacancy in the chief justiceship of the king's bench, and Bacon, after some deliberation, proposed to the king that Coke should be removed from his place in the court of comman pleas and transferred to the king's bench.
The vacancy caused by Coke's promotion was then filled up by Hobart, and Bacon, finally, stepped into the place of attorney-general.
The fact of this advice being offered and followed in all essentials, illustrates very clearly the close relations between the king and Bacon, who had become a confidential adviser on most occasions of difficulty.
Bacon may prove a dangerous instrument."
Further light is thrown upon Bacon's relations with James, and upon his political sympathies, by the letter to the king advocating the calling of a parliament, 2 and by the two papers of notes on which his letter was founded.
The advice he offered, in all sincerity, was most prudent and sagacious, and might have been successfully carried out by a man of Bacon's tact and skill; but it was intensely one-sided, and exhibited a curious want of appreciation of what was even then beginning to be looked on as the true relation of king, parliament and people.
Unfortunately for James, he could neither adopt nor carry out Bacon's policy.
The parliament which met in April 1614, in which Bacon sat for Cambridge Univeristy, and was dissolved in June, after a stormy session, was by no means in a frame of mind suitable for the king's purposes.
The House was enraged at the supposed project (then much misunderstood) of the " Undertakers "; objection was taken to Bacon being elected or serving as a member while holding office as attorney-general; and, though an exception was made in his favour, it was resolved that no attorneygeneral should in future be eligible for a seat in parliament.
The scheme was afterwards extended so as to take in the whole kingdom, but lost something of its voluntary character, and the means taken to raise the money, which were not what Bacon would have recommended, 5 were calculated to stir up discontent.
St John was summoned before the Star Chamber for slander and treasonable language; and Bacon, ex officio, acted as public prosecutor.
It seems incredible that Bacon's conduct on this occasion should have been censured by his biographers.
The offence was clear; the law was undoubted; no particular sympathy was excited for the culprit; the sentence was not carried out; and Bacon did only what any one in his place would naturally and necessarily have done.
Bacon, as one of the learned counsel, was ordered by the council to take part in this examination, which was undoubtedly warranted by precedent, whatever may now be thought of it.
He at last reluctantly assented, and proposed that Bacon should consult with him, while the other law officers addressed themselves to the three puisne judges.
By Bacon's directions the proposal to the three judges to give their opinions separately was made suddenly and confidently, and any scruples they might have felt were easily overcome.
It is clear that the extraneous influence to be feared was Coke, who, on being addressed by Bacon, again objected to giving his opinion separately, and even seemed to hope that his brother judges after they had seen the papers would withdraw their assent to giving their decisions privately.
Even after the discussion of the case with Bacon, he would not give his opinion until the others had handed in theirs.
What the other judges thought is not definitely known, but Bacon appears to have been unable to put in operation the plan he had devised for swaying Coke's judgment,' or if he did attempt it, he was unsuccessful, for Coke finally gave an opinion consistent with what he seems to have held at first, that the book was not treasonable, as it did not disable the king's title.
Although the opinions of the judges were not made public, yet as we learn, not only from Bacon, but from a sentence in one of Carleton's letters, 2 a rumour had got about that there was doubt as to the book being treasonable.
Under these circumstances, Bacon, who feared that such a report might incite other people to attempt a similar offence, proposed to the king that a second rumour should be circulated in order to destroy the impression caused by the first.
Bacon's share in another great trial which came on shortly afterwards, the Overbury and Somerset case, is not of such a nature as to render it necessary to enter upon it in detail.
In the early part of 1616, when Thomas, Egerton, Baron Ellesmere (c. 1540-1617), the lord chancellor, was dangerously ill, Bacon wrote a long and careful letter to the king, proposing himself for the office, should it fall vacant, and stating as frankly as possible of what value he considered his services would be.
Bacon, as attorney-general, delivered a speech, which has not been reported; but the king was informed that the arguments on the other side had not been limited to the special case, but had directly impugned the general prerogative right of granting livings.
He accordingly wrote to Bacon, directing him to intimate to the judges his pleasure that they should delay judgment until after discussion of the matter with himself.
Bacon communicated first with Coke, who in reply desired that similar notice should be given to the other judges.
The king was indignant at this encroachment, and acting partly on the advice of Bacon, held a council on the 6th of June 1616, at which the judges attended.
The point of law was argued by Bacon, and decided by the chancellor in favour of the king, who put the question to the judges individually, " Whether, if at any time, in a case depending before the judges, which his majesty conceived to concern him either in power or profit, and thereupon required to consult with them, and that they should stay proceedings in the meantime, they ought not to stay accordingly?"
Bacon's conduct throughout the affair has been blamed, but apparently on wrong grounds.
This appeared to Bacon justifiable and right, because the prerogative would be defended and preserved intact.
Bacon's services to the king's cause had been most important; and as he had, at the same time, acquired great favour with Villiers, his prospects looked brighter than before.
If it should prevail, it perverts justice; 1 A somewhat similar case is that of the writ De Rege inconsulto brought forward by Bacon.
Ellesmere resigned the chancellorship on the 5th of March 1616/7, and on the 7th the great seal was bestowed upon Bacon, with the title of lord keeper.
The match was distasteful to Lady Hatton and to her daughter; a violent quarrel was the consequence, and Bacon, who thought the proposed marriage most unsuitable, took Lady Hatton's part.
Bacon, who seems to have acted from a simple desire to do the best for Buckingham's own interests, at once changed his course, advanced the match by every means in his power, and by a humble apology appeased the indignation that had been excited against him.
It had been a sharp lesson, but things seemed to go on smoothly after it, and Bacon's affairs prospered.
Buckingham, notwithstanding the advice he had received from Bacon himself, was in the habit of addressing letters to him recommending the causes of suitors.
The terms of Buckingham's note' concerning it might easily have aroused doubts; and we find that the further course of the action was to all appearances exactly accommodated to Dr Steward, who 4 A position which Bacon in some respects approved.
Heath, who expresses a strong opinion against Bacon's action in the matter.
It is, of course, dangerous to form an extreme judgment on an isolated and partially understood case, of which also we have no explanation from Bacon himself, but if the interpretation advanced by Heath be the true one, Bacon certainly suffered his first, and, so far as we can see, just judgment on the case to be set aside, and the whole matter to be reopened in obedience to a request from Buckingham.
It is somewhat hard to understand Bacon's position with regard to the king during these years.
But we know also that the patents were so numerous as to be oppressive, and we can scarcely avoid inferring that Bacon more readily saw the advantages to the government than the disadvantages to the people.
The session, however, was not far advanced when the question of patents was brought up; a determined attack was made upon the very ones of which Bacon had been in dread, and it was even proposed to proceed against the referees (Bacon and Montagu) who had certified that there was no objection to them in point of law.
It was evident, however, that a determined attack was about to be made upon Bacon, and that the proceeding against the referees was really directed against him.
This was the accusation of bribery and corrupt dealings in chancery suits, an accusation apparently wholly unexpected by Bacon, and the possibility of which he seems never to have contemplated until it was actually brought against him.
But on the r4th of March one 1 For a full discussion of Bacon's connexion with the monopolies, see Gardiner, Prince Charles, &c. ii.
Christopher Aubrey appeared at the bar of the House, and charged Bacon with having received from him a sum of money while his suit was going on, and with having afterwards decided against him.
Bacon's letter 2 on this occasion is worthy of serious attention; he evidently thought the charge was but part of the deliberate scheme to ruin him which had already been in progress.
On that day Bacon, as he had feared, was too ill to attend.
The charges rapidly accumulated, but Bacon still looked upon them as party moves, and was in hopes of defending himself.'
This difference was finally smoothed over, and it was probably through his influence that Bacon received the much-desired permission to come within the verge of the court.
So ends this painful episode, which has given rise to the most severe condemnation of Bacon, and which still presents great and perhaps insuperable difficulties.
On the whole, the tendency of the most recent and thorough researches has been towards the opinion that Bacon's own account of the matter (from which, indeed, our knowledge of it is chiefly drawn) is substantially correct.
Now, corruption strictly interpreted would imply the deliberate sale of justice, and this Bacon explicitly denies, affirming that he never " had bribe or reward in his eye or thought when he pronounced any sentence or order."
In four cases specifically, and in some others by implication, Bacon confesses that he had received bribes from suitors pendente lite.
The attempt has sometimes been made to defend the whole of Bacon's conduct on the ground that he did nothing that was not done by many of his contemporaries.
Bacon himself disclaims a defence of this nature, and we really have no direct evidence which shows to what extent the offering and receiving of such bribes then prevailed.
That the practice was common is indeed implied by the terms in which Bacon speaks of it, and it is not improbable that the fact of these gifts being taken by officials was a thing fairly well known, although all were aware of their illegal character, and it was plain that any public exposure of such dealings would be fatal to the individual against whom the charge was made out.
Yet in the face of this he does not hesitate to call himself " the justest chancellor that hath been in the five changes since Sir Nicholas Bacon's time "j 5 and this on the plea that his intentions had always been pure, and had never been affected by the presents he received.
It need hardly be said that such an a priori conviction is not a sufficient basis on which to found a sweeping condemnation of Bacon's integrity as an administrator of justice.
On the other hand, even if it be admitted to be possible and conceivable that a present should be given by a suitor simply as seeking favourable consideration of his cause, and not as desirous of obtaining an unjust decree, and should be accepted by the judge on the same understanding, this would not entitle one absolutely to accept Bacon's statement.
In these circumstances, due weight should be given to Bacon's own assertions of his perfect innocence and purity of intention; they ought not to be put out of court unless found in actual contradiction to the facts, and the reverse of this is the case, so far as has yet appeared.'
This does not seem to have been the case, if we may judge from what Bacon says Letters and Life, vii.
Not only do the cases, so far as they are known, support Bacon's plea of innocence, but it is remarkable that no attempt at a reversal of any of his numerous decrees appears to have been successful.
A complete survey of Bacon's works and an estimate of his place in literature and philosophy are matters for a volume.
If Coke's reports show completer mastery of technical details, greater knowledge of precedent, and more of the dogged grasp of the letter than do Bacon's legal writings, there can be no dispute that the latter exhibit an infinitely more comprehensive intelligence of the abstract principles of jurisprudence, with a richness and ethical fulness that more than compensate for their lack of dry legal detail.
The thoughts are weighty, and even when not original have acquired a peculiar and unique tone or cast by passing through the crucible of Bacon's mind.
As a scientific explanation of the myths the theory is of no value, but it affords fine scope for the exercise of Bacon's unrivalled power of detecting analogies in things apparently most dissimilar.
The Apophthegms, though hardly deserving Macaulay's praise of being the best collection of jests in the world, contain a number of those significant anecdotes which Bacon used with such effect in his other writings.
The great mass of Bacon's writings consists of treatises or fragments, which either formed integral parts of his grand comprehensive scheme, or were closely connected with it.
It contains a brief and somewhat obscure outline of the first two parts in the Instauratio, and is of importance as affording us some insight into the gradual development of the system in Bacon's own mind.
The most interesting, and in many respects the most remarkable, is the philosophic romance, the New Atlantis, a description of an ideal state in which the principles of the new philosophy are carried out by political machinery and under state guidance, and where many of the results contemplated by Bacon are in imagination attained.
A short introductory sketch of the requisites of such a natural history, which, according to Bacon, is essential, necessary, the basis totius negotii, is given in the tract Parasceve, appended to the Novum Organum.
But for practical purposes Bacon interposed two divisions between the preliminaries and the philosophy itself.
According to the Distributio Operi.s, 2 it was to contain certain speculations of Bacon's own, not formed by the new method, but by the unassisted use of his understanding.
Bacon's grand motive in his attempt to found the sciences anew was the intense conviction that the knowledge man ' The division of the sciences adopted in the great French Encyclopedie was founded upon this classification of Bacon's.
But, before proceeding to unfold his method, Bacon found it necessary to enter in considerable detail upon the general subject of the obstacles to progress, and devoted nearly the whole of the first book of the Organum to the examination of them.
The with Plato is the fleeting, transient image of the real thing, and the passage evidently referred to by Bacon is that in the Rep. vii.
Bacon, is the most troublesome kind of error, and has been especially fatal in philosophy.
The criticism of the demonstrations is introduced later in close connexion with Bacon's new method; they are the rival modes of procedure, to which his own is definitely opposed.
The philosophies which are " redargued " are divided into three classes, the sophistical, of which the best example is Aristotle, who, according to Bacon, forces nature into his abstract schemata and thinks to explain by definitions; the empirical, which from few and limited experiments leaps at once to general conclusions; and the superstitious, which corrupts philosophy by the introduction of poetical and theological notions.
What idea had Bacon of science, and how is his method connected with it?
Bacon himself, as may be seen from the passage quoted above, finds great difficulty in giving an adequate and exact definition of what he means by a form.
At times it seems as if Bacon had approximated to this view of the nature of things, for in several passages he identifies forms with laws of activity.
In the first place, it is evident that Bacon, like the Atomical school, of whom he highly approved, had a clear perception and a firm grasp of the physical character of natural principles; his forms are no ideas or abstractions, but highly general physical properties.
This fruitful conception, however, Bacon does not work out; and though he uses the word cause, and identifies form with formal cause, yet it is perfectly apparent that the modern notions of cause as dynamical, and of nature as in a process of flow or development, are foreign to him, and that in his view of the ultimate problem of science, cause meant causa immanens, or underlying substance, effects were not consequents but manifestations, and nature was regarded in a purely statical aspect.
That the sciences are organically connected is a thought common to him and to his distinguished predecessor Roger Bacon.
We thus at last attain a definite conclusion with regard to forms, and it appears clear that in Bacon's belief the true function of science was the search for a few fundamental physical qualities, highly abstract and general, the combinations of which give rise to the simple natures and complex phenomena around us.
The proposition that our knowledge of nature necessarily begins with observation and experience, is common to Bacon and many contemporary reformers of science, but he laid peculiar stress upon it, and gave it a new meaning.
Bacon did not understand by induction the argument from particulars to a general proposition; he looked upon the exclusion and rejection, or upon elimination, as the essence of induction.
Whoever accepts Bacon's doctrine of cause must accept at the same time his theory of the way in which the cause may be sifted out from among the phenomena.
It is to be regretted that Bacon did not complete this portion of his work, in which for the first time he approaches modern conceptions of change.
This elimination of the non-essential, grounded on the fundamental propositions with regard to forms, is the most important of Bacon's contributions to the logic of induction, and that in which, as he repeatedly says, his method differs from all previous philosophies.
Such was the method devised by Bacon, and to which he ascribed the qualities of absolute certainty and mechanical simplicity.
In this demand for a complete natural history, Bacon also felt that he was original, and he was deeply impressed with the necessity for it; 2 in fact, he seems occasionally to place an even higher value upon it than upon his Organum.
With regard to the first, it has been already pointed out that Bacon's induction or inductive method is distinctly his own, though it cannot and need not be maintained that the general spirit of his philosophy was entirely new.6 The value of the method is the separate and more difficult question.
This objection is curious when confronted with Bacon's reiterated assertion that the natural method pursued by the unassisted human reason is distinctly opposed to his; and it is besides an argument that tells so strongly against many sciences, as to be comparatively worthless when applied to any one.
The mechanical character both of the natural history and of the logical method applied to it, resulted necessarily from Bacon's radically false conception of the nature of cause and of the causal relation.
The true scientific procedure is by hypothesis followed up and tested by verification; the most powerful instrument is the deductive method, which Bacon can hardly be said to have recognized.
There will still be room for the scientific use of the imagination and for the creative flashes of genius.3 If, then, Bacon himself made no contributions to science, if no discovery can be shown to be due to the use of his rules, if his method be logically defective, and the problem to which it was applied one from its nature incapable of adequate solution, it may not unreasonably be asked, How has he come to be looked upon as the great leader in the reformation of modern science?
To this the true answer seems to be that Bacon owes his position not only to the general spirit of his philosophy, but to the manner in which he worked into a con- (1860); Liebig, Ober Francis Bacon von Verulam, &c. (1863).
Although Liebig points out how little science proceeds according to Bacon's rules, yet his other criticisms seem of extremely little value.
It is not surprising that he should detect many flaws, but he never fails co exaggerate an error, and seems sometimes completely to miss the point of what Bacon says.
He brings against Bacon, of all men, the accusations of making induction start from the undetermined perceptions of the senses, of using imagination, and of putting a quite arbitrary interpretation on phenomena.
A severe judgment on Bacon's method is given in Diihring's able but one-sided Kritische Gesch.
Phil., in which the merits of Roger Bacon are brought prominently forward.
Although it must be admitted that the Baconian method is fairly open to the above-mentioned objections, it is curious and significant that Bacon was not thoroughly ignorant of them, but with deliberate consciousness preferred his own method.
We do not think, indeed, that the notiones of which he speaks in any way correspond to what Whewell and Ellis would call " conceptions or ideas furnished by the mind of the thinker "; nor do we imagine that Bacon would have admitted these as necessary elements in the inductive process.
The fruitful thoughts which lay under and gave rise to these scattered efforts of the human mind, were gathered up into unity, and reduced to system in the new philosophy of Bacon.'
Progress in scientific discovery is made mainly, if not solely, by the employment of hypothesis, and for that no code of rules can be laid down such as Bacon had devised.
To formulate and show grounds for these laws is to construct a philosophy of induction, and it must not be forgotten that the first step towards the accomplishment of the task was made by Bacon when he introduced and gave prominence to the powerful logical instrument of exclusion or elimination.
Into questions of metaphysics, as commonly understood, Bacon can hardly be said to have entered, but a long line of thinkers have drawn inspiration from him, and it is not without justice that he has been looked upon as the originator and guiding spirit of what is known as the empirical school.
It is impossible within our limits to do more than indicate the influence which Bacon's views have had on subsequent thinkers.
It is there argued that, both in philosophy and in natural science, Bacon's influence was immediate and lasting.
Bacon is, therefore, regarded by many as the father of what is most characteristic in English psychological speculation.
In this connexion, however, it is important to notice that Hobbes, who had been Bacon's secretary, makes no mention of Baconian induction, nor does he in any of his works make any critical reference to Bacon himself.
It would, therefore, appear that Bacon's influence was not immediate.
Sorbiere, Jean Baptiste du Hamel, quotations which show how highly Bacon was regarded by the leaders of the new scientific movement.
It was, however, Voltaire and the encyclopaedists who raised Bacon to the pinnacle of his fame in France, and hailed him as " le pere de la philosophie experimentale " (Lettres sur les Anglois).
Leibnitz speaks of Bacon as " divini ingenii vir," and, like several other German authors, classes him with Campanella; Huygens refers to his " bonnes methodes."
If, however, we are to attach weight to English writers of the latter half of the 17th century, we shall find that one of Bacon's greatest achievements was the impetus given by his New Atlantis to the foundation of the Royal Society.
Boyle, in whose works there are frequent eulogistic references to Bacon, regarded himself as a disciple and was indeed known as a second Bacon.
The predominating influence of Bacon's philosophy is thus clearly established in the generation which succeeded his own.
Bacon has frequently been disparaged on the ground that his name is not mentioned by Sir Isaac Newton.
If the foregoing examples are held sufficient to establish the influence of Bacon on the intellectual development of his immediate successors, it follows that the whole trend of typically English thought, not only in natural science, but also in mental, moral and political philosophy, is the logical fulfilment of Baconian principles.
While, therefore, it is a profound mistake to regard Bacon as a great constructive philosopher, or even as a lonely pioneer of modern thought, it is quite unfair to speak of him as a trifler.
Robertson (London, 1905); besides the original introductions, it contains a useful summary by the editor of the various problems of Bacon's life and thought.
For the relations between Bacon and Ben Jonson see The Tale of the Shakespeare Epitaphs by Francis Bacon (New York, 1888); for Bacon's poetical gifts see an article in the Fortnightly Review (March 1905).
He directed the first revision of the text of the Vulgate, begun in 1236 by the Dominicans; this first "correctorium," vigorously criticized by Roger Bacon, was revised in 1248 and in 1256, and forms the base of the celebrated Correctorium Bibliae Sorbonicum.
It is, in a manner, Spinoza's "organon" - the doctrine of method which he would substitute for the corresponding doctrines of Bacon and Descartes as alone consonant with the thoughts which were shaping themselves or had shaped themselves in his mind.
In Bacon's New Atlantis (1624-29) science is the key to universal happiness; Tommaso Campanella's Civitas Solis (1623) portrays a communistic society, and is largely inspired by the Republic of Plato; James Harrington's Oceana (1656), which had a profound influence upon political thought in America, is a practical treatise rather than a romance, and is founded on the ideas that property, especially in land, is the basis of political power, and that the executive should only be controlled for a short period by the same man or men.
The whole legend of Peter is an excellent instance of the legendary amplification of the first crusade - an amplification which, beginning during the crusade itself, in the idolizations " of the different camps (idola castrorum, if one may pervert Bacon), soon developed into a regular saga.