Asquith Sentence Examples

The British government (the Asquith cabinet) came to the conclusion that another expedition against the mullah would be useless; that they must either build a railway, make roads and effectively occupy the whole of the protectorate, or else abandon the interior completely.

In this position he earned a reputation as a politician of thorough straightforwardness and grit, and as one who would maintain British interests independently of party; and he shared with Mr Asquith the reputation of being the ablest of the Imperialists who followed Lord Rosebery.

When Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet was formed in December 1905 he became foreign minister, and he retained this office when in April 1908 Mr Asquith became prime minister.

When Mr. Asquith formed the first Coalition Ministry in 1915, he included Mr. Henderson in the Cabinet as President of the Board of Education, and also adviser of the Government on Labour questions arising out of the World War.

But, in fact, it failed; and the friction engendered between the First Lord and the First Sea Lord was one of the causes which drove Mr. Asquith to invite the Unionists in May to join in a Coalition Government.

In the Liberal campaign on behalf of free trade the real leader, however, was Mr Asquith.

But if Lord Rosebery once more separated himself from the official Liberals, his principal henchmen in the Liberal League were included in the cabinet, Mr Asquith becoming chancellor of the exchequer, Sir Edward Grey foreign secretary, and Mr Haldane war minister.

This became all the more apparent as his own health failed during 1907; for, though he was obliged to leave much of the leadership in the Commons to Mr Asquith, his possible resignation of the premiership was strongly deprecated; and even after November, when it became clear that his health was not equal to active work, four or five months elapsed before the necessary change became a fait accompli.

From the beginning of the session of 1908 it was evident, however, that Mr Asquith, who was acting as deputy prime minister, would before long succeed to the Liberal leadership; and on the 5th of April Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's resignation was formally announced.

In 1894 a dispute necessitated the formulation of the " Asquith award " by the Rt.

Asquith as home secretary, and subsequent modifications of this were only arrived at, as in 1904, after a strike of the drivers affected.

When, in April 1908, Mr Asquith became premier, and Mr Lloyd George chancellor of the exchequer, the sugar convention The world's trade in cane and beet sugar in tons avoirdupois at decennial periods from 1840 to 1870, inclusive, and yearly from 1871 to 1901 inclusive, with the percentage of beet sugar and the average price per cwt.

Asquith, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, as his parliamentary secretary, and continued in that position when his chief succeeded to the premiership. Early in 'giro he was appointed Under-Secretary for India, at a time when Lord Morley's tenure of the Secretaryship of State for India was drawing to a close.

But when Mr. Asquith's Ministry fell he retired from office along with that minister's principal colleagues.

The president of the Board of Trade was the chief success of the ministry, and when Mr Asquith became premier in 1908 and promoted Mr Lloyd George to the chancellorship of the exchequer, the appointment was well received even in the City of London.

For that year the budget was already settled, and it was introduced by Mr Asquith himself, the ex-chancellor; but Mr Lloyd George earned golden opinions, both at the Treasury and in parliament, by his industry and his handling of the Finance Bill, especially important for its inclusion of Old Age Pensions, in the later stages.

The discussions on the budget entirely monopolized public attention for the year, and while the measure was defended by Mr Lloyd George in parliament with much suavity, and by Mr Asquith, Sir Edward Grey and Mr Haldane outside the House of Commons with tact and moderation, the feelings of its opponents were exasperated by a series of inflammatory public speeches at Limehouse and elsewhere from the chancellor of the exchequer, who took these opportunities to rouse the passions of the working-classes against the landed classes and the peers.

He was included in Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet at the close of 1905 as lord privy seal, an office which he retained in 1908 when Mr Asquith formed his new ministry, but which he resigned later in the same year.

The result of this letter was that Mr. Asquith invited the Association to lay their views before him at a deputation.

A free exchange of views took place, with the result that Mr. Asquith invited the Press to appoint a representative who would interview Lord Kitchener and Mr. Churchill each week with the object of putting questions to them and receiving private information for circulation to editors.

On leaving the Home Office in 1895, Mr Asquith decided to return to his work at the bar, a course which excited much comment, since it was unprecedented that a minister who had exercised judicial functions in that capacity should take up again the position of an advocate; but it was obvious that to maintain the tradition was difficult in the case of a man who had no sufficient independent means.

During the years of Unionist ascendancy Mr Asquith divided his energies between his legal work and politics; but his adhesion to Lord Rosebery (q.v.) as a Liberal Imperialist at the time of the Boer War, while it strengthened his position in the eyes of the public, put him in some difficulty with his own party, led as it was by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, who was identified with the "proBoer" policy.

During Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's premiership, Mr Asquith gradually rose in political importance, and in 1907 the prime minister's ill-health resulted in much of the leadership in the Commons devolving on the chancellor of the exchequer.

On the 5th of April it was announced that Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had resigned and Mr Asquith been sent for by the king.

As the latter was staying at Biarritz, the unprecedented course was followed of Mr Asquith journeying there for the purpose, and on the 8th he resigned the chancellorship of the exchequer and kissed hands as prime minister.

In Mr Asquith's phrase, it was "ploughing the sands."

But though Mr Asquith and Sir Edward Grey adhered to the Liberal League, Sir Henry CampbellBannerman retained the loyalty of the majority of the Liberal party, and Lord Spencer threw his weight on the same side; and in a speech at the Liberal League dinner on the 31st of July Lord Rosebery had to admit that their principles had not yet prevailed, and that, until they did, a reconciliation between the two wings of the party would be impossible.

The fact, no doubt, was that Mr Asquith, Lord Rosebery's chief lieutenant in the Liberal League, made himself from the outset a determined champion of free trade in opposition to Mr Chamberlain; and Lord Rosebery quickly came into line with the rest of the Liberal party on this question.

From the moment the apparent recrudescence of the Liberal split over this question seemed to have misled Mr Balfour, who resigned office on the 4th of December, into thinking that difficulties would arise over the formation of a Liberal cabinet; but, whether or not the rumour was correct that a blunder had been made at Stirling and that explanations had ensued which satisfied Mr Asquith and Sir Edward Grey, this anticipation proved unjustified.

In the crisis which followed he took an extreme view, was prominent in the disorderly proceedings when Mr. Asquith was refused a hearing in the House of Commons, and threw in his lot with the " Diehards."

His first wife was the brilliant Laura Tennant, sister of Mrs. Asquith; but she died in 1886, a year after the marriage, and her little boy lived only a couple of years.

Mr. Asquith, then Prime Minister, spoke of him in the House of Commons as having come nearest, of all men of his generation, to that ideal of manhood to which every English father would wish to see his son aspire.

Accordingly he stated in the House that Unionists would welcome an Irish settlement by general consent, but would not make new friends by betraying old; and in Oct., in answer to Mr. Asquith's overtures at Ladybank, he said that he and his colleagues would consider any proposals with a real desire to find a solution if possible.

He did not find in Mr. Asquith's proposals, in the session of 1914, for exclusion by county option for six years, any sufficient compromise; but he formally announced that, if they were endorsed by the country, Lord Lansdowne would use his authority in the Lords to have them passed without delay.

In spite, therefore, of the vigour, or even violence, of his opposition before the war, it was comparatively easy for Mr. Asquith to approach him in May 1915 with a view to the formation of a National Coalition Government, and for him to respond with immediate acceptance.

But when circumstances had overcome Mr. Asquith's antipathy to compulsion, Mr. Law took charge of the first military service bill in the House of Commons in Jan.

It was natural, therefore, that he should be one of the four persons (the others being Mr. Lloyd George himself, Sir Edward Carson, and a Labour member) to whom Mr. Lloyd George, forcing the issue on Dec. I, asked Mr. Asquith to confide the absolute conduct of the war.

The crisis started by this demand produced, in the course of a few days, first Mr. Lloyd George's and then Mr. Asquith's resignation; and the King, adopting the ordinary constitutional course, sent on Dec. 5 for Mr. Bonar Law, who had become, through by-elections before the war, the leader of the largest single party in the House of Commons, and invited him to form an administration.

He could count on the assistance of Mr. Lloyd George, but Mr. Asquith and his principal Liberal colleagues refused their cooperation.

On the other hand, an Employers Liability Bill, introduced by Mr Asquith, the home secretary, was ultimately dropped by Gladstone after passing all stages in the House of Commons, rather than that an amendment of the Peers, allowing contracting out, should be accepted.

Campbell-Bannermans death in April 1908 he was succeeded as prime minister by Mr Asquith, a leader of far higher personal ability though with less hold on the affections of his party.

The general election of 1910 placed the Liberal and Unionist parties in a position of almost exact equality in the House of Commons, and it was at once evident that the Nationalists under Mr Redmond's leadership would hold the balance of power and control the fortunes of Mr Asquith's government.

In 1905 he became lord president of the council in the Liberal government; and in 1908, in Mr Asquith's cabinet, he became secretary of state for the colonies and Liberal leader in the House of Lords.

His chief contribution to the discussions during the later stages of the Gladstone and Rosebery ministries was in connexion with Mr Asquith's abortive Employers' Liability Bill, when he foreshadowed the method of dealing with this question afterwards carried out in the Compensation Act of 1897.

Free-trade unionists like Lord Goschen and Lord Hugh Cecil, and the Liberal leaders - for whom Mr Asquith became the principal spokesman, though Lord Rosebery's criticisms also had considerable weight - found new matter in Mr Chamberlain's speeches for their contention that any radical change in the traditional English fiscal policy, established now for sixty years, would only result in evil.

An event to commemorate this milestone in the project's development is being planned later in this the centenary year of Anthony Asquith.

Asquith was known to be hostile to female suffrage.

In 1886 Asquith was elected as the Liberal MP for East Fife, despite the constraints of being a young widower with five children.

But the prolonged controversy over the bill, and its withdrawal in the autumn owing to the refusal of the government to accept modifications made by the House of Lords in the denominational interest, made his retention of that office impossible, and he was transferred (January 1907) to the post of chief secretary for Ireland, which he subsequently retained when Mr Asquith became prime minister in 1908.

The choice was cordially approved by the leaders of the Liberal party, and warmly recognized at a farewell dinner presided over by Mr Asquith (March 28th, 1897).

Sir Henry's own tendency to favour the anti-war section, his refusal to support the government in any way, and his allusion to "methods of barbarism" in connexion with the conduct of the British army (June 14, 1901), accentuated the crisis within the party; and in 1901 the Liberal Imperialists, who looked to Lord Rosebery (q.v.) and Mr Asquith (q.v.) for their political inspiration, showed pronounced signs of restiveness.

On the 15th of July 1908, Mr Asquith said that Sir Edward Grey had announced in the House of Commons on the 6th of June 1907 that the British government intended to negotiate with the powers for the renewal of the convention, on condition that they would relinquish the penal clause, and that none of the obligations in the convention as renewed were penal or required statutory authority.

The session of 1908 opened with Mr Asquith acting avowedly as the prime minister's deputy, and the course of business was itself of a nature to emphasize his claims. After two rather humdrum budgets he was pledged to inaugurate a system of old-age pensions (forming the chief feature of the budget of 1908, personally introduced by him at the beginning of May), and his speech in April on the Licensing Bill was a triumph of clear exposition, though later in the year, after passing the Commons, it was thrown out by the Lords.

Mr Asquith was in a difficult position, but the ministry remained in office; and he had developed a concentration of forces with a view to attacking the veto of the House of Lords (see Parliament), when the death of the king in May caused a suspension of hostilities.

In deference to the wishes of supporters such as Mr Asquith, Sir Henry Fowler and Sir Edward Grey he determined to "put his views into the common stock" at a representative meeting of Liberals held at Chesterfield in December 1901.

He cordially concurred in the cooperative and protective resolutions then adopted (see English History) and joined Mr. Asquith in recommending them to the House of Commons.

Herbert Asquith, the Prime Minister during the militant suffrage campaign, had always been totally against women having the vote.