Although united on free trade and in general on questions of domestic reform, a cabinet which contained Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell, in addition to Aberdeen, was certain to differ on questions of foreign policy.
Palmerston, supported by Russell and well served by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, British ambassador at Constantinople, favoured a more aggressive policy, and Aberdeen, unable to control Palmerston, and unwilling to let Russell go, cannot be exonerated from blame.
He smoothed the way for Palmerston to succeed rim, and while the earl of Clarendon remained at the foreign office he aided him with advice and was consulted on matters of moment.
Viscount Palmerston Earl of Derby.
Viscount Palmerston Earl Russell .
He retained his post under Lord Palmerston's ministry until July 18J5, when, in consequence of the death of Lord Dalhousie and a vacancy in the governor-generalship of India, he was selected by Lord Palmerston to succeed to that great position.
The publication of A Journal written during an Excursion in Asia Minor (London, 1839) roused such interest that Lord Palmerston, at the request of the British Museum authorities, asked the British consul at Constantinople to get leave from the sultan to ship a number of the Lycian works of art.
From the outset of his career he was known to be a most Liberal Conservative, and in 1855 Lord Palmerston offered him the post of colonial secretary.
At the beginning of the Insurrection of 1831 he was sent to London to obtain the assistance, or at least the mediation, of England; but the only result of his mission was the publication of the pamphlet Menzoire presente a Lord Palmerston (Warsaw, 1831).
He brought forward a motion in parliament to this effect, which led to a long and memorable debate, lasting over four nights, in which he was supported by Sydney Herbert, Sir James Graham, Gladstone, Lord John Russell and Disraeli, and which ended in the defeat of Lord Palmerston by a majority of sixteen.
Lord Palmerston was again prime minister, and having discovered that the advanced liberal party was not so easily "crushed" as he had apprehended, he made overtures of reconciliation, and invited Cobden and Milner Gibson to become members of his government.
In a frank, cordial letter which was delivered to Cobden on his landing in Liverpool, Lord Palmerston offered him the presidency of the Board of Trade, with a seat in the Cabinet.
On his arrival in London he called on Lord Palmerston, and with the utmost frankness told him that he had opposed and denounced him so frequently in public, and that he still differed so widely from his views, especially on questions of foreign policy, that he could not, without doing violence to his own sense of duty and consistency, serve under him as minister.
Lord Palmerston tried good-humouredly to combat his objections, but without success.
Towards the close of 1859 he called upon Lord Palmerston, Lord John Russell and Gladstone, and signified his intention to visit France and get into communication with the emperor and his ministers, with a view to promote this object.
'But while he was in the midst of the negotiations, Lord Palmerston brought forward in the House of Commons a measure for fortifying the naval arsenals of England, which he introduced in a warlike speech pointedly directed against France, as the source of danger of invasion and attack, against which it was necessary to guard.
Lord Palmerston offered him a baronetcy and a seat in the privy council, and the emperor of the French would gladly have conferred upon him some distinguished mark of his favour.
When the clerk read the orders of the day Lord Palmerston rose, and in impressive and solemn tones declared "it was not.possible for the House to proceed to business without every member recalling to his mind the great loss which the House and country had sustained by the event which took place yesterday morning."
On the 9th of August 1832 Mahmud made, through Stratford Canning, a formal proposal for an alliance with Great Britain, which Palmerston refused to consider for fear of offending France.
In 1855 he refused from Lord Palmerston an office not connected with foreign affairs, was elected lord rector of Aberdeen university, and on 15th June moved a resolution in the House of Commons (defeated by a large majority) declaring that in public appointments merit had been sacrificed to private influence and an adherence to routine.
He unsuccessfully contested York in 1859, but was elected for Southwark in 1860, and from 1861 to 1866 was under-secretary for foreign affairs in the successive administrations of Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell.
In reply to a question in the House of Commons, Lord Palmerston accepted and adopted Gladstone's statement, expressed keen sympathy with the cause which he had espoused, and sent a copy of his letter to the queen's representative at every court of Europe.
Lord Palmerston became prime minister.
Lord Palmerston soon saw that further resistance was useless; his Peelite colleagues stuck to their text, and, within three weeks after resuming office, Gladstone, Sir James Graham and Mr Sidney Herbert resigned.
In 1858 Lord Palmerston was succeeded by Lord Derby at the head of a Conservative administration, and Gladstone accepted the temporary office of high commissioner extraordinary to the Ionian Islands.
Lord Palmerston became prime minister, and asked Gladstone to join him as chancellor of the exchequer.
Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston were naturally jealous of the prince's interference - and of King Leopold's and Baron Stockmar's - in state affairs; but Lord Melbourne took the common-sense view that a husband will control his wife whether people wish it or not.
Lord Palmerston had never been persona grata at court.
The queen had more than once to remind her foreign secretary that his despatches must be seen by her before they were sent out, and though Palmerston assented, the queen's complaint had to be continually repeated.
She also protested to the prime minister (Lord John Russell) in 1848, 1849 and 1850, against various instances in which Palmerston had expressed his own personal opinions in matters of foreign affairs, without his despatches being properly approved either by herself or by the cabinet.
Lord John Russell, who did not want to offend his popular and headstrong colleague, did his best to smooth things over; but the queen remained exceedingly sore, and tried hard to get Palmerston removed, without success.
282): - "With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston which the queen had with Lord John Russell the other day, and Lord Palmerston's disavowal that he ever intended any disrespect to her by the various neglects of which she has had so long and so often to complain, she thinks it right, in order to avoid any mistakes for the future, to explain what it is she expects from the foreign secretary.
Lord Palmerston took a copy of this letter, and promised to attend to its direction.
This was too much even for Lord John Russell, and after a short and decisive correspondence Lord Palmerston resigned the seals of office.
In July 1861 he accepted from Lord Palmerston the office of solicitor-general, a knighthood, and a safe seat for the borough of Richmond in Yorkshire, secured for him through the friendly action of Lord Zetland, and thus began the second spell of Palmer's membership of the House of Commons, which continued till his elevation to the woolsack and the peerage.
Gielguch, with documents relating to his negotiations with Pitt, and conversations with Palmerston in 1832 (2 vols., London, 1888) .
Nor is this eminence merely due to his great opportunity in 1870; for Guizot might under Louis Philippe have almost made himself a French Walpole, at least a French Palmerston, and Lamartine's opportunities after 1848 were, for a man of political genius, illimitable.
His cabinet included at the first Huskisson, Palmerston and other followers of Canning.
He had indeed none of the sympathy with national causes which began to influence British policy under Canning, and which became so powerful under Palmerston; but the rule which he followed in foreign affairs, so far as he considered it possible, was that of non-intervention.
In March 1857 Viscount Palmerston advanced him to the deanery of Canterbury, where, till his death on the 12th of January 1871, he lived the same strenuous and diversified life that had always characterized him.
But she also speaks of the "tricks and over-reachings" practised by him, "who in great as well as in small things took a pleasure in being cleverer and more cunning than others, often when there was no advantage to be gained by it, and which was, 1 There is a vivid account in Mr Featherstonhaugh to Lord Palmerston, Havre, March 3, 1848, in The Letters of Queen Victoria (pop. ed., ii.
To Lord Palmerston (London, I 840).
Lord Palmerston was opposed to this project, and the British opposition delayed the ratification of the concession by the Porte for two years.
Palmerston, however, did not share Canning's belief in the possible regeneration of Turkey; he held that an isolated intervention of Great Britain would mortally offend not only Russia but France, and that Mehemet Ali, disappointed of his ambitions, would find in France a support that would make him doubly dangerous.1 In the autumn Sultan Mahmud, as a last independent effort, despatched against Ibrahim the army which, under Reshid Pasha, had been engaged in pacifying Albania.
On the ist of August Palmerston wrote to Ponsonby impressing upon him that the representatives of the powers, in their communications with the Porte, "should act not only simultaneously in point of time, but identically in point of manner" - a principle important in view of later developments.
Palmerston listened to the tsar's proposals, conveyed through Baron Brunnow, "with surprise and admiration."
Palmerston, on the other hand, believed that the Ottoman empire would never be secure until "the desert had been placed between" the pasha of Egypt and the sultan; and the view that the coalition should be directed against Mehemet Ali was shared by the other powers.
For nearly a year the diplomatic pourparlers continued without an agreement being reached; France insisted on Mehemet Ali's receiving the hereditary pashalik of Syria as well as that of Egypt, a proposition to which Palmerston, though sincerely anxious to preserve the Anglo-French entente, refused to agree.
The diplomacy of Guizot, backed now by Austria and Prussia, had succeeded in persuading Palmerston to concede the principle of allowing Mehemet Ali to receive, besides Egypt, the pashalik of Acre as far as the frontiers of Tripoli and Damascus (May 7).
Palmerston, indeed, who did not believe that under the Bourgeois Monarchy France would translate her brave words into action, was in favour of settling the Turco-Egyptian question once for all by depriving Mehemet Ali of Egypt as well.
When therefore, on the 8th of October, Guizot, in an interview with Palmerston, presented what was practically an ultimatum on the part of France, "it was determined that this intimation should be met in a friendly spirit, and that Lord Palmerston should see the Ministers of the other powers and agree with them to acquaint the French that they with England would use their good offices to induce the Porte not to insist on the deprivation of Mehemet Ali so far as Egypt is concerned."
In accordance with this Palmerston instructed Ponsonby to press upon the sultan, in the event of Mehemet Ali's speedy submission, not only to withdraw the sentence of deprivation but to confer upon him the hereditary pashalik of Egypt.
This arrangement was ratified by Palmerston; and all four powers now combined to press it on the reluctant Porte, pointing out, in a joint note of the 30th of January 1841, that "they were not conscious of advising a course out of harmony with the sovereignty and legitimate rights of the sultan, or contrary to the duties imposed on the Pasha of Egypt as a subject appointed by His Highness to govern a province of the Ottoman Empire."
In 1854, accordingly, during the Crimean War, an Anglo-French force attacked and destroyed the fortress of Bomersund, against the erection of which Palmerston had protested without effect some twenty years previously.
By the 33rd article of the treaty of Paris (1856) this convention, annexed to the final act, was given "the same force and validity as if it formed part thereof," Palmerston declaring in the House of Commons (May 6) that it had "placed a barrier between Russia and the north of Europe."
HENRY JOHN TEMPLE PALMERSTON, 3RD Viscount (1784-1865), English statesman, was born at Broadlands, near Romsey, Hants, on the 20th of October 1784.
The Irish branch of the Temple family, from which Lord Palmerston descended, was very distantly related to the great English house of the same name, but these Irish Temples were not without distinction.
From his younger brother, Sir John Temple (1632-1704), who was speaker of the Irish House of Commons, Lord Palmerston descended.
It was no doubt owing to his birth and connexions, but still more to his own talents and character, that Lord Palmerston was thrown at a very early age into the full stream of political and official life.
Lord Palmerston, however, preferred the less important office of secretary-at-war, charged exclusively with the financial business of the army, without a seat in the cabinet, and in this position he remained, without any signs of an ambitious temperament or of great political abilities, for twenty years (1809-1828).
During the whole of that :,period Lord Palmerston was chiefly known as a man of fashion, and a subordinate minister without influence on the general policy of the cabinets he served.
Lord Palmerston never was a Whig, still less a Radical; he was a statesman of the old English aristocratic type, liberal in his sentiments, favourable to the march of progress, but entirely opposed to the claims of democratic government.
Although Lord Palmerston was not in the cabinet, he cordially supported the measures of Canning and his friends.