Once established at Palermo, Garibaldi organized an army to liberate Naples and march upon Rome, a plan opposed by the emissaries of Cavour, who desired the immediate annexation of Sicily to the Italian kingdom.
Expelling Lafarina and driving out Depretis, who represented Cavour, Garibaldi routed the Neapolitans at Milazzo on the 10th of July.
Elected deputy in 1861, his anger against Cavour found violent expression.
This same year (1850) Cavour, who had been in parliament avour.
But DAzeglio was not equal to the situation, and he, too, resigned in November 1852; whereupon the king appointed Cavour prime minister, a position which with short intervals he held until his death.
The Piedmontese government rightly regarded this measure as a violation of the peace treaty of 1850, and Cavour recalled the Piedmontese minister from Vienna, an action which was endorsed by Italian public opinion generally, and won the approval of France and England.
Cavour believed that by taking part in the war his country would gain for itself a military status and a place in the councils of the great Powers, and ~ establish claims on Great Britain and France for the realization of its Italian ambitions.
One section of public opinion desired to make Piedmonts co-operation subject to definite promises by the Powers; but the latter refused to bind, themselves, and both Victor Emmanuel and Cavour realized that, even without such promises, participation would give Piedmont a claim.
Everything turned out as Cavour had hoped.
The Piedmontese troops distinguished themselves in the field, gaining the sympathies of the French and English; and at the subsequent congress of Paris (1856), where Cavour himself was Sardinian representative, the Italian question was discussed, and the intolerable oppression of the Italian peoples by Austria and the despots ventilated.
In Piedmont itself it was at first less successful; and Cavour, although he aspired ultimately to a united Italy with Rome as the capital,1 openly professed no ambition beyond the expulsion of Austria and the formation of a North Italian kingdom.
The king, too, was in close sympathy with the societys aims, but for the present it was necessary to hide this attitude from the eyes of the Powers, whose sympathy Cavour could only hope to gain by professing hostility to everything that savoured of revolution.
Cavour now set himself to the task of isolating Austria and securing an alliance for her expulsion.
Hence his hesitations and vacillations, which Cavour steadily worked to overcome.
To this course Napoleon consented, to the despair of King Victor Emmanuel and Cavour, who saw in this a proof that he wished to back out of his engagement and make war impossible.
Urged by a peremptory message from Napoleon, Cavour saw the necessity of bowing to the will of Europe, of disbanding the volunteers and reducing the army to a peace footing.
Cavour was filled with joy at the turn affairs had taken, for Austria now appeared as the aggressor.
But the king and Cavour were terribly upset by this move, which meant peace without Venetia; Cavour hurried to the kings headquarters at Monzambano Armistice and in excited, almost disrespectful, language implored ~0ranca~ him not to agree to peace and to continue the war alone, relying on the Piedmontese army and a general Italian revolution.
Victor Emmanuel regretfully signed the peace preliminaries, adding, however, pour ce qui me concerne (which meant that he made no undertaking with regard to central Italy), and Cavour resigned office.
But here Cavour intervened, for he was determined to maintain the annexations, at all costs.
In January 1866 the Rattazzi ministry fell, after completing the fusion of Lombardy with Piedmont, and Cavour was again summoned by the king to the head of affairs.
The negotiations were long drawn out; for Cavour struggled to save Nice and Napoleon was anxious to make conditions, especially as regards Tuscany.
Three weeks later the treaty of Turin ceding Savoy and Nice to France was ratified, though not without much opposition, and Cavour was fiercely reviled for his share in the transaction, especially by Garibaldi, who even contemplated an expedition to Nice, but was induced to desist by the king.
The preparations for the expedition, openly made, were viewed by Cavour with mixed feelings.
King Victor Emmanuel and Cavour both wrote to Garibaldi urging him not to spoil all by aiming at too much.
But Garibaldi poured scorn on all suggestions of compromise; and Cavour saw that the situation could only be saved by the armed participation of Piedmont in the liberation of south Italy.
Gen f we do not arrive at the Volturno before Garibaldi reachts Cattolica, Cavour had said, the monarchy is lost, and Italy ~re 1 remain in the prison-house of the Revolution.
Cavour, on the other hand, while anxious to deal irously with the Garibaldians, recognized the impossibility of such urse, which would not only have offended the conservative spirit :he Piedmontese military caste, which disliked and despised 101am troops, but would almost certainly have introduced into the y an element of indiscipline and disorder.
Garibaldi, elected member for Naples, ouficed Cavour in unmeasured terms for his treatment of the inteers and for the cession of Nic,e, accusing him of leading country to civil war.
Cavour had often declared tin the end the capital of Italy must be Rome, for it alone of abLcnLLp~, ass L~AS O~V.~La.5 ~jassL,asssassD U~ .JaLAISLAJ ~isLas blU
Chialas Lettere del Conte di Cavour (~ vols., Turin, 1883 1887) and D.
Zanichellis Scritti del Conte di Cavour (Bologna, 1892) are very important, and so are Prince Metternichs 7ff moires (7 vols., Paris, f881).
In 1859 he returned to Italy, where he opposed Cavour, and upheld federalism against the policy of a single Italian monarchy.
A supporter of Cavour until the latter's death he joined the party of Rattazzi and became under-secretary of state for public works in the Rattazzi cabinet of 1862.
In 1860, with the Cavour party, he opposed the work of Garibaldi, Crispi and Bertani at Naples, and became secretary of Luigi Carlo Farini during the latter's lieutenancy, but in 1865 assumed contemporaneously the editorship of the Perseveranza of Milan and the chair of Latin literature at Florence.
After the fall of Palermo, Crispi was appointed minister of the interior and of finance in the Sicilian provisional government, but was shortly afterwards obliged to resign on account of the struggle between Garibaldi and the emissaries of Cavour with regard to the question of immediate annexation.
Appointed secretary to Garibaldi, Crispi secured the resignation of Depretis, whom Garibaldi had appointed pro-dictator, and would have continued his fierce opposition to Cavour at Naples, where he had been placed by Garibaldi in the foreign office, had not the advent of the Italian regular troops and the annexation of the Two Sicilies to Italy brought about Garibaldi's withdrawal to Caprera and Crispi's own resignation.
He strongly supported Cavour's Crimean policy (1855), and when General La Marmora departed in command of the expeditionary force and Cavour took the war office, Cibrario was made minister for foreign affairs.
He conducted the business of the department with great skill, and ably seconded Cavour in bringing about the admission of Piedmont to the congress of Paris on an equal footing with the great powers.
Two articles in the Westminster Review, one on the Italian question, which procured him the special thanks of Cavour, the other on Essays and Reviews, which had the probably undesigned effect of stimulating the attack on the book, attracted especial notice.
He was elected member of the first Piedmontese parliament and was a strenuous supporter of Cavour; during the Crimean campaign he took General La Marmora's place as war minister.
Having been overcome, Farini returned to Turin, when the king conferred on him the order of the Annunziata and Cavour appointed him minister of the interior (June 1860), and subsequently viceroy of Naples; but he soon resigned on the score of ill-health.
Cavour died in 1861, and the following year Farini succeeded Rattazzi as premier, in which office he endeavoured to carry out Cavour's policy.
In January 1860 Fanti became minister of war and marine under Cavour, and incorporated the League's army in that of Piedmont.
The great Cavour canal is drawn from the left bank of the Po a few miles below Turin, and it is carried right across the drainage of the country.
Like the Cavour canal, the Villoresi is taken across the drainage of the country, entailing a number of very bold and costly works.
The system is due to the ability of the great Count Cavour; what he originated in Piedmont has been also carried out in Lombardy.
As an officer of engineers he replaced Cavour in 1831 at the fortress of Bardo.
A similar road, the Via di Circonvallazione a Mare, was laid out in 18 93189S on the site of the outer ramparts, and skirts the seafront from the Piazza Cavour to the mouth of the Bisagno, thence ascending the right bank to the Ponte Pila.
Already the isolation of Austria had been conspicuous in the congress of Paris, where Cavour, the Sardinian plenipotentiary, laid bare before assembled Europe the scandal of her rule in Italy.
CAVOUR (anc. Caburrum or Forum Vibii), a town of Piedmont, Italy, in the province of Turin, 32 m.
It lies on the north side of a huge isolated mass of granite (the Rocca di Cavour) which rises from the plain.
The town gave its name to the Benso family of Chieri, who were raised to the marquisate in 1771, and of which the statesman Cavour was a member.
He was minister of Public Works under Cavour in 1860-1861, in 1864 under La Marmora, and down to 1867 under Ricasoli.
Summoned to Paris by Cavour in 1856 to prepare the memorandum on the Romagna provinces for the Paris congress, he was in 1859 appointed by Cavour secretary-general of the Piedmontese Foreign Office.
In July further reinforcements of volunteers under Cosenz and Medici, assisted by Cavour, arrived at Palermo with a good supply of arms furnished by subscription in northern Italy.
Cavour now decided that Sardinia must take part in the liberation of southern Italy, for he feared that Garibaldi's followers might induce him to proclaim the republic and attack Rome, which would have: provoked French hostility; consequently a Piedmontese army occupied the Marche and Umbria, and entered Neapolitan.