In 1884 he pleaded eloquently in the House of Magnates for the establishment of civil marriage, and in 1888 was Minister of Education in the Cabinet of Koloman Tisza.
In 1886 Wekerle was elected to the House of Deputies, became in the same year financial secretary of state, and in 1889 succeeded Tisza as minister of finance.
The Pest Basin extends over the greater portion of central and southern Hungary, and is traversed by the Theiss (Tisza) and its numerous tributaries.
Fortunately, in Kalman Tisza, the leader of the Liberal From the first, Tisza was exposed to the violent attacks of the opposition, which embraced, not only the party of Independence, champions of the principles of 1848, but the so-called National party, led by the brilliant orator Count Albert Apponyi, which aimed at much the same ends but looked upon the Compromise of 1867 as a convenient substructure on which to build up the Magyar state.
Neither could forgive Tisza for repudiating his earlier Radical policy, the so-called Bihar Programme (March 6, 1868), which went far beyond the Compromise in the direction of independence, and both attacked him with a violence which his unyielding temper, and the ruthless methods by which he always knew how to secure victory, tended ever to fan into fury.
Yet Tisza's aim also was to convert the old polyglot Hungarian kingdom into a homogeneous Magyar state, and the methods which he employed - notably the enforced magyarization of the subject races, which formed part of the reformed educational system introduced by him - certainly did not err on the side of moderation.
Tisza's policy on both these occasions increased his unpopularity in Hungary, but in the highest circles at Vienna he was now regarded as indispensable.
But the opposition, while unable to deny the recuperation of Hungary, shut their eyes to everything but Tisza's " tyranny, " and their attacks were never so savage and unscrupulous as during the session of 1889, when threats of a revolution were uttered by the opposition leaders and the premier could only enter or leave the House under police protection.
The tragic death of the crown prince Rudolph hushed for a time the strife of tongues, and in the meantime Tisza brought into the ministry Ders6 Szilagyi, the most powerful debater in the House, and Sandor Wekerle, whose solid talents had hitherto been hidden beneath the bushel of an under-secretaryship. But in 1890, during the debates on the Kossuth Repatriation Bill, the attacks on the premier were renewed, and on the 13th of March he placed his resignation in the king's hands.
The withdrawal of Tisza scarcely changed the situation, but the period of brief ministries now began.
Tisza's successor, 2 See for this Mr Seton-Watson's Racial Problems of Hungary, passim.
The circumstance that the formation of political Tisza.
The king; met them half way by inviting the majority to appoint a committee to settle the army question provisionally, and a committee was formed, which included Szell, Apponyi, Count Istvan Tisza.
A programme approved of by all the members of the committee was drawn up, and on the 3rd of November 1903, Count Istvan Tisza was appointed minister president to carry it out.
Tisza, a statesman of singular probity and tenacity, seemed to be the one person capable of carrying out the programme of the king and the majority.
Tisza now appealed to the country, but was utterly defeated.
To this demand the king as stubbornly refused to accede; 3 and as the result of the consequent dead-lock, Tisza, who had courageously continued in office at the king's request, after every other leading politician had refused to form a ministry, was finally dismissed on the 17th of June.
3 In the general elections that followed the Liberal party was practically wiped out, its leader, Count Istvan Tisza, retiring into private life.
How desperate the situation had now become was shown by the fact that on the 27th the king sent for Count Tisza, on the recommendation of the very Coalition ministry which had been formed to overthrow him.
The accession of the Emperor Charles, and the ferment aroused by the Russian Revolution, led to considerable political changes in both halves of the Dual Monarchy, the most notable being the dismissal of Count Tisza from the Hungarian premiership (May 23 1917), the grant of a general political amnesty, and the summons of the Austrian Reichsrat, which had not been allowed to meet since March 1914.
The growing self-confidence of the Austrian Sla y s was shown by the bluntness of their refusal to cooperate with the new Premier, Doctor von Seidler, whose offer of portfolios to their leaders drew from Count Tisza a strong protest in the Hungarian Parliament.
This only precipitated the collapse, and while Count Tisza voiced Hungarian public opinion in declaring the basis of the Dual system to be shattered, the Yugoslav National Council was transplanted from Ljubljana to Zagreb and strengthened by the inclusion of representatives of all parties (Oct.
Stephen, Count Tisza >>
In the autumn of 1898 he became the leader of the obstructionists or "Independence Party," against the successive Szell, Khuen-Hadervary, Szapary and Stephen Tisza administrations (1898-1904), exercising great influence not only in parliament but upon the public at large through his articles in the Egyetertes.
In 1849 he was in the civil service of the revolutionary government, and after the final catastrophe returned to his native place, living as best he could on his small savings till 1850, when Lajos Tisza, the father of Kalman Tisza, the future prime minister, invited him to his castle at Geszt to teach his son Domokos the art of poetry.
which involved an increase of the peace footing of the joint Austro-Hungarian army, had been carried with difficulty, despite the efforts of Koloman Tisza and of Count Julius Andrassy the Elder.
An interval of negotiation between the crown and many leading Magyar Liberals followed, until at the end of October 1903 Count Stephen Tisza, son of Koloman Tisza, accepted a mission to form a cabinet after all others had declined.
As programme Tisza brought with him a number of concessions from the crown to Magyar nationalist feeling in regard to military matters, particularly in regard to military badges, penal procedure, the transfer of officers of Hungarian origin from Austrian to Hungarian regiments, the establishment of military scholarships for Magyar youths and the introduction of the two years' service system.
In regard to the military language, the Tisza programme - which, having been drafted by a committee of nine members, is known as the " programme of the nine " - declared that the responsibility of the cabinet extends to the military prerogatives of the crown, and that " the legal influence of parliament exists in this respect as in respect of every constitutional right."
The programme, however, expressly excluded for " weighty political reasons affecting great interests of the nation " the question of the military language; and on Tisza's motion the Liberal party adopted an addendum, sanctioned by the crown: " the party maintains the standpoint that the king has a right to fix the language of service and command in the Hungarian army on the basis of his constitutional prerogatives as recognized in clause 1 i of law XII.
In March 1904, Tisza, therefore, introduced a drastic " guillotine " motion to amend the standing orders of the House, but withdrew it in return for an undertaking from the Opposition that obstruction would cease.
But, as the autumn session approached, Tisza foresaw a new campaign of obstruction, and resolved to revert to his drastic reform of the standing orders.
Tisza appealed to the country and suffered, on the 26th of January 1905, an overwhelming defeat at the hands of a coalition composed of dissentient Liberals, Clericals, Independents and a few Banffyites.
On the 25th of January, the day before his defeat, Count Tisza had signed on behalf of Hungary the new commercial treaties concluded by the Austro-Hungarian foreign office with Germany and Italy on the basis of the Szell-Korber tariff.
The Tisza cabinet could not be relieved of its functions till June 1905, when it was succeeded by a nonparliamentary administration under the premiership of General Baron Fejervary, formerly minister for national defence.
and the normal contingent of recruits to be voted for 1905 and 1906; the extraordinary military credits, sanctioned by the delegations in 1904, to be voted by the Hungarian Chamber; ratification of the commercial treaties concluded by Tisza; election of the Hungarian Delegation and of the Quota-Deputation; introduction of a suffrage reform at least as far reaching as the Kristoffy scheme.
He at once attached himself to Kalman Tisza and remained faithful to his chief even after the Bosnian occupation had alienated so many of the supporters of the prime minister.
There was still one fierce parliamentary struggle, in which Deal(defended the Composition (Ausgleich) of 1867, both against the Kossuthites and against the Left-centre, which had detached itself from his own party under the leadership of Kalif an Tisza (q.v.).
above sea-level), it is fed by at least 300 tributaries, the principal of which on the right bank are the Inn, the Drave and the Save; while on the left bank are the Theiss or Tisza, the Olt, the Sereth and the Pruth.
TISZA, KALMAN [KOLOMAN] (1830-1902), Hungarian statesman, was born at Geszt on the 10th of December 1830, the son of Lajos Tisza and the countess Julia Teleki, and was educated at his father's castle.
When, on the 1st of September 1859, the Austrian government issued the "Patent" which struck at the very roots of Protestant autonomy in Hungary, Tisza, at the congress of the Calvinist Church beyond the Theiss, held at Debreczen, publicly repudiated the Patent on behalf of the Calvinist laity.
In August 1860 Tisza married the countess Helen Degenfeld-Schomburg, a union which brought him into close connexion with the Karolyis, the Podmaniczkys and the Odescalchis.
The Diet was divided between the Addressers, led by Deak, and the "Resolutionists," led by Count Laszlo Teleki, and on the death of the latter Tisza succeeded him as the leader of the more radical party.
During the Provisorium (1861-1865) Tisza fought for constitutional reform in the columns of the Hon and the .Magyar Sajlo, his leading articles, afterwards collected and published under the title of Alfdldi Levelek (Letters from the Alfbld), being by far the most important contribution to the controversy.
When the Diet was again summoned by royal decree (Dec. io, 1865), Tisza once more represented Debreczen and formed, with Kalman Ghyczy (1808-1888), the Left-centre party.
They bound the Tisza party to repeal all laws or institutions contrary to, and to promote all measures necessary for, the national independence.
It was chiefly owing to the efforts of Tisza and his party that Austria remained neutral during the Franco-German War.
2) Tisza succeeded as prime minister, a post he held, with a few interruptions, for the next fifteen years (1875-1890).
It is no exaggeration to say that Hungary owes to Klaman Tisza a consolidated government, the formation of a parliamentary majority, a healthy public spirit, public credit, the reform of the Upper House, an admirable educational system, economical, and particularly railway, development, and administrative and judicial reconstruction on modern lines.
Tisza) whose name I bear."
See Imre Visi, Kdlman Tisza, a political appreciation (Hung.; Budapest, 1885); Kornel Abranyi, Kalman Tisza Life and Political Career (Hung.; Budapest, 1878); G.
Gratz, Kdlman Tisza (Modern Magyar Statesmen, I.) (Hung.; Budapest, 1902); P. Busbach, The Last Five Years (Hung.; Budapest, 1895).
His youngest son, Count STEPHEN TISZA (1861-), was born on the 22nd of April 1861.
In 1886 Tisza began his parliamentary career, speedily becoming a leading member of the principal committees on economical and educational questions.
From the first the ministry was exposed to the most unscrupulous opposition, exacerbated by the new and stringent rules of procedure which Tisza felt it his duty to introduce if any business were to be done.
Tisza stoutly stood by his rules, on the ground that this was a case in which the form must be sacrificed to the substance of parliamentary government.
Tisza thereupon resigned and retired from public life.
2 Whatever view may be held of Tisza's policy in this respect, or of the corrupt methods by which he maintained his party in power, 3 there can be no doubt that during his long tenure of office - which practically amounted to a dictatorship - he did much to promote the astonishing progress of his country, which ran a risk of being stifled in the strife of factions.
In this latter respect Tisza rendered substantial aid to the joint minister for foreign affairs by repressing the anti-Russian ardour of the Magyars on the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, and by supporting Andrassy's execution of the mandate from the Berlin Congress to Austria-Hungary for the occupation of Bosnia, against which the Hungarian opposition agitated for reasons ostensibly financial.
Strangely enough the only attempts to consult the Yugosla y s themselves were an audience to which the Emperor Charles summoned Father Korosec and a journey undertaken by Count Tisza in Sept., with the crown's approval, to Zagreb, Sarajevo and Dalmatia.
Choose from river cruises along the Rhine, the Danube, the Seine, the Douro, the Rhone, the Tisza, the Moselle, or the Po.
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