The advent of Thiers, his attitude towards the petition of French bishops on behalf of the pope, the recall of Senard, the French minister at Florencewho had written to congratulate Victor Emmanuel on the capture of Romeand the instructions given to his successor, the comte de Choiseul, to absent himself from Italy at the moment of the kings official entry into the new capital (2nd July 1871), together with the haste displayed in appointing a French ambassador to the Holy See, rapidly cooled the cordiality of Franco-Italian relations, and reassured Bismarck on the score of any dangerous intimacy between the two governments.
At its southern end, by the quay, is a bronze statue of Thiers, and at the northern end, the cathedral of St Augustine, a large church built in quasi-Byzantine style.
LOUIS ADOLPHE THIERS (1797-1877), French statesman and historian, was born at Marseilles on the 16th of April 1 797.
In the early autumn of 1821 Thiers went to Paris, and was quickly introduced as a contributor to the Constitutionnel.
He was put out of all need of money by the singular benefaction of Cotta, the well-known Stuttgart publisher, who was part-proprietor of the Constitutionnel, and made over to Thiers his dividends, or part of them.
But Carlyle himself admits that Thiers is "a brisk man in his way, and will tell you much if you know nothing."
But the accession to power of the Polignac ministry in August 1829 changed his projects, and at the beginning of the next year Thiers, with Armand Carrel, Mignet, and others started the National, a new opposition newspaper.
Thiers himself was one of the souls of the actual revolution, being credited with "overcoming the scruples of Louis Philippe," perhaps no Herculean task.
At first Thiers, though elected deputy for Aix, obtained only subordinate places in the ministry of finance.
Thiers was unable to govern the forces he had helped to gather, and he resigned.
Nevertheless the collapse of the empire was a great opportunity for Thiers, and it was worthily accepted.
The armistice having been arranged, and the opportunity having been thus obtained of electing a National Assembly, Thiers was chosen deputy by more than twenty constituencies (of which he preferred Paris), and was at once elected by the Assembly itself practically president, nominally chef du pouvoir executif.
Thiers held office for more than two years after this event, which shows the strength of the general conviction that he alone could be trusted.
Barodet, was regarded as a grave disaster for the Thiers government, and that government was not much strengthened by a dissolution and reconstitution of the cabinet on May 19th.
Thiers at once resigned (May 24th).
Thiers had long been married, and his wife and sister-in-law, Mlle Dosne, were his constant companions; but he left no children, and had had only one - a daughter - who long predeceased him.
Thiers was by far the most gifted and interesting of the group of literary statesmen which formed a unique feature in the French political history of the 19th century.
But both failed - Lamartine almost ludicrously - while Thiers in hard conditions made a striking if not a brilliant success.
As a man of letters Thiers is very much smaller.
These characteristics reappear (accompanied, however, by frequent touches of the epigrammatic power above mentioned, which seems to have come to Thiers more readily as an orator or a journalist than as an historian) in his speeches, which after his death were collected in many volumes by his widow.
Sainte-Beuve, whose notices of Thiers are generally kindly, says of him, "M.
Thiers sait tout, tranche tout, parle de tout," and this omniscience and "cocksureness" (to use the word of a prime minister of England contemporary with this prime minister of France) are perhaps the chief pervading features both of the statesman and the man of letters.
He then went to Paris, where he was soon joined by his friend and compatriot, Adolphe Thiers, the future president of the French republic. He was introduced by J.
In 1830 he founded the National with Thiers and Armand Carrel, and signed the journalists' protest against the Ordonnances de juillet, but he refused to accept his share of the spoil after his party had won.
Although the government had a great majority in the Chamber, the opposition counted the redoubtable names of Thiers, Berryer and Jules Favre, and government measures were only passed by frequent resort to the closure.
Napoleon's historian Thiers, like other of his historians, trying to justify his hero says that he was drawn to the walls of Moscow against his will.
"The Cossack, not knowing in what company he was, for Napoleon's plain appearance had nothing about it that would reveal to an Oriental mind the presence of a monarch, talked with extreme familiarity of the incidents of the war," says Thiers, narrating this episode.
"As soon as Napoleon's interpreter had spoken," says Thiers, "the Cossack, seized by amazement, did not utter another word, but rode on, his eyes fixed on the conqueror whose fame had reached him across the steppes of the East.
Thiers alone dedicates a few eloquent lines to their memory: "These wretches had occupied the sacred citadel, having supplied themselves with guns from the arsenal, and fired" (the wretches) "at the French.
Then, as Thiers eloquently recounts, he ordered his soldiers to be paid in forged Russian money which he had prepared: Raising the use of these means by an act worthy of himself and of the French army, he let relief be distributed to those who had been burned out.
With reference to the military side--the plan of campaign--that work of genius of which Thiers remarks that, "His genius never devised anything more profound, more skillful, or more admirable," and enters into a polemic with M. Fain to prove that this work of genius must be referred not to the fourth but to the fifteenth of October--that plan never was or could be executed, for it was quite out of touch with the facts of the case.
The French generals lost touch with the Russian army of sixty thousand men, and according to Thiers it was only eventually found, like a lost pin, by the skill--and apparently the genius--of Murat.
The news of that battle of Tarutino, unexpectedly received by Napoleon at a review, evoked in him a desire to punish the Russians (Thiers says), and he issued the order for departure which the whole army was demanding.
Napoleon, too, carried away his own personal tresor, but on seeing the baggage trains that impeded the army, he was (Thiers says) horror-struck.
Thiers, a Bonapartist, says that Napoleon's power was based on his virtue and genius.