The advent of Thiers, his attitude towards the petition of French bishops on behalf of the pope, the recall of Senard, the French minister at Florencewho had written to congratulate Victor Emmanuel on the capture of Romeand the instructions given to his successor, the comte de Choiseul, to absent himself from Italy at the moment of the kings official entry into the new capital (2nd July 1871), together with the haste displayed in appointing a French ambassador to the Holy See, rapidly cooled the cordiality of Franco-Italian relations, and reassured Bismarck on the score of any dangerous intimacy between the two governments.
At its southern end, by the quay, is a bronze statue of Thiers, and at the northern end, the cathedral of St Augustine, a large church built in quasi-Byzantine style.
LOUIS ADOLPHE THIERS (1797-1877), French statesman and historian, was born at Marseilles on the 16th of April 1 797.
In the early autumn of 1821 Thiers went to Paris, and was quickly introduced as a contributor to the Constitutionnel.
He was put out of all need of money by the singular benefaction of Cotta, the well-known Stuttgart publisher, who was part-proprietor of the Constitutionnel, and made over to Thiers his dividends, or part of them.
But Carlyle himself admits that Thiers is "a brisk man in his way, and will tell you much if you know nothing."
But the accession to power of the Polignac ministry in August 1829 changed his projects, and at the beginning of the next year Thiers, with Armand Carrel, Mignet, and others started the National, a new opposition newspaper.
Thiers himself was one of the souls of the actual revolution, being credited with "overcoming the scruples of Louis Philippe," perhaps no Herculean task.
At first Thiers, though elected deputy for Aix, obtained only subordinate places in the ministry of finance.
Thiers was unable to govern the forces he had helped to gather, and he resigned.
Nevertheless the collapse of the empire was a great opportunity for Thiers, and it was worthily accepted.
The armistice having been arranged, and the opportunity having been thus obtained of electing a National Assembly, Thiers was chosen deputy by more than twenty constituencies (of which he preferred Paris), and was at once elected by the Assembly itself practically president, nominally chef du pouvoir executif.
Thiers held office for more than two years after this event, which shows the strength of the general conviction that he alone could be trusted.
Barodet, was regarded as a grave disaster for the Thiers government, and that government was not much strengthened by a dissolution and reconstitution of the cabinet on May 19th.
Thiers at once resigned (May 24th).
Thiers had long been married, and his wife and sister-in-law, Mlle Dosne, were his constant companions; but he left no children, and had had only one - a daughter - who long predeceased him.
Thiers was by far the most gifted and interesting of the group of literary statesmen which formed a unique feature in the French political history of the 19th century.
But both failed - Lamartine almost ludicrously - while Thiers in hard conditions made a striking if not a brilliant success.
As a man of letters Thiers is very much smaller.
These characteristics reappear (accompanied, however, by frequent touches of the epigrammatic power above mentioned, which seems to have come to Thiers more readily as an orator or a journalist than as an historian) in his speeches, which after his death were collected in many volumes by his widow.
Sainte-Beuve, whose notices of Thiers are generally kindly, says of him, "M.
Thiers sait tout, tranche tout, parle de tout," and this omniscience and "cocksureness" (to use the word of a prime minister of England contemporary with this prime minister of France) are perhaps the chief pervading features both of the statesman and the man of letters.
He then went to Paris, where he was soon joined by his friend and compatriot, Adolphe Thiers, the future president of the French republic. He was introduced by J.
In 1830 he founded the National with Thiers and Armand Carrel, and signed the journalists' protest against the Ordonnances de juillet, but he refused to accept his share of the spoil after his party had won.
Although the government had a great majority in the Chamber, the opposition counted the redoubtable names of Thiers, Berryer and Jules Favre, and government measures were only passed by frequent resort to the closure.
After an attempted defence of the foreign policy which had aided the aggrandizement of Prussia at the expense of Austria, Thiers told him in the Chamber that there were "no more blunders left for him to make."
When Thiers, however, fell from power in May 1873, and a Royalist was placed at the head of the government in the person of Marshal MacMahon, Gambetta gave proof of his statesmanship by unceasingly urging his friends to a moderate course, and by his tact and parliamentary dexterity, no less than by his eloquence, he was mainly instrumental in the voting of the constitution in February 1875.
On the death of his successor Charles Eugene Delaunay (1816-1872), he was reinstated by Thiers, but with authority restricted by the supervision of a council.
Meanwhile, Thiers issued a proclamation pointing out that a Republic would embroil France with all Europe, while the duke of Orleans, who was "a prince devoted to the principles of the Revolution" and had "carried the tricolour under fire" would be a "citizen king" such as the country desired.
This view was that of the rump of the chamber still sitting at the Palais Bourbon, and a deputation headed by Thiers and Laffitte waited upon the duke to invite him to place himself at the head of affairs.
On the 14th of March 1867 Thiers in the French Chamber gave voice to the indignation of France at the bungling policy that had suffered the aggrandizement of Prussia.
After a few months of office Mole retired, and it was not until 1836 that the fall of Thiers led to his becoming prime minister of a new government, in which he held the portfolio of foreign affairs.
The general election in the autumn gave him no fresh support in the Chamber of Deputies, while he had now to face a formidable coalition between Guizot, the Left Centre under Thiers, and politicians of the Dynastic Left and the Republican Left.
The National was at first conducted by Thiers, Mignet and Carrel in conjunction; but after the revolution of July, Thiers and Mignet assumed office, and the whole management fell into the hands of Carrel.
The tension of the situation was increased when, on the 10th of February 1840, Thiers came into power.
Thiers, however, refused to listen to any suggestion for depriving him of any part of Syria; but, instead of breaking off the correspondence and leaving the concert, he continued the negotiations, and before long circumstances came to the knowledge of the British government which seemed to prove that he was only doing so with a view to gaining time in order to secure a separate settlement in accordance with French views.
In the circumstances the proper course for Thiers to have pursued would have been to have communicated to the powers, to whom he was bound by the moral engagement of the 2 7th of July 1839, the new conditions arising out of Mehemet Ali's offer.
The discovery of what seemed an underhand intrigue on the part of France produced upon the powers exactly the effect that Thiers had foreseen and deprecated.
The whole press was clamorous for war; Thiers declared that the alliance with Great Britain was shattered, and pressed on warlike preparations; even Louis Philippe was carried away by the fever.
Thiers still maintained his warlike tone, and the king's speech prepared by him for the opening of the Chambers on the 28th of October was in effect a declaration of defiance to Europe.
Louis Philippe himself, however, was not prepared to use this language; whereupon Thiers resigned, and a new cabinet was formed under Marshal Soult, with Guizot as foreign secretary.
When his efforts failed, he left Paris, and was imprisoned by order of Thiers, but soon released.