At Cyare, a fountain near Syracuse which Pluto made to spring up when he carried off his bride, the Syracusans held an annual festival in the course of which bulls were sacrificed by being drowned in the water.
The Syracusans were neither united nor adequately prepared for effectual defence, and it is perfectly clear that they owed their final deliverance to extraordinary good fortune.
By that time the Syracusans were both in better spirits and better prepared; their troops were better organized, and they had built a wall from north to south across Epipolae, taking in Tyche and Temenites, so as to screen them from attack on the side of Epipolae on the north-west.
The Syracusans had been at first thoroughly cowed; but they were cowed no longer, and they even plucked up courage to sally out and fight the enemy on the high ground of Epipolae.
The Syracusans' work was destroyed by a prompt and well-executed attack; and a second counter-work carried across marshy ground some distance to the south of Epipolae and near to the Great Harbour was also demolished after a sharp action, in which Lamachus fell, an irretrievable loss.
Gylippus was felt to be the representative of Sparta, and of the Peloponnesian Greeks generally, and his arrival inspired the Syracusans with the fullest confidence.
The naval preparations of the Syracusans, under the advice of Hermocrates, had led them, too, to confidence in their powers of giving battle to the Athenian fleet.
Demosthenes decided at once to make a grand attack on Epipolae, with a view to recovering the Athenian blockading lines and driving the Syracusans back within the city walls.
The Syracusans now blocked the mouth of the Great Harbour, and the Athenian fleet, after a frantic effort to break out and a desperate conflict, was utterly defeated and half destroyed.
The broken and demoralized army, its ranks thinned by fever and sickness, at last began its hopeless retreat, attempting to reach Catania by a circuitous route; but, harassed by the numerous Syracusan cavalry and darters, after a few days of dreadful suffering, it was forced to lay down its arms. The Syracusans sullied the glory of their triumph by putting Nicias and Demosthenes to death, and huddling their prisoners into their stonequarries - a living death, dragged out, for the allies from Greece proper to the space of seventy days, for the Athenians themselves and the Greeks of Sicily and Italy for six months longer.
He went back to Sicily, warred with Carthage on his own account, and brought back the bones of the unburied Syracusans from Himera, but was still so dreaded that the people banished Diodes without restoring him.
It was doubtless fear and hatred of Carthage, from which city the Greeks of Sicily had suffered so much, that urged the Syracusans to acquiesce in the enormous expenditure which they must have incurred under the rule of Dionysius.
Claudius Marcellus was then in command of the Roman army in Sicily, and he threatened the Syracusans with attack unless they would get rid of Epicydes and Hippocrates, the heads of the anti-Roman faction.
Information was given him in the spring of 212 (two years from the commencement of the siege) that the Syracusans were celebrating a great festival to Artemis; making use of this opportunity, he forced the Hexapylum entrance by night and established himself in Tyche and on the heights of Epipolae.
All hope for the city being now at an end, the Syracusans threw themselves on the mercy of Marcellus; but Achradina and the island still held out for a brief space under the Syracusan mercenaries, till one of their officers, a Spaniard, betrayed the latter position to the enemy, and at the same time Achradina was carried and taken.
49), says that permission was granted to the Syracusans under Nero to exceed the prescribed number of gladiators in their shows.
Manius Valerius Maximus Corvinus Messalla, consul 263 B.C. In this year, with his colleague Manius Otacilius (or Octacilius) Crassus, he gained a brilliant victory over the Carthaginians and Syracusans; the honour of a triumph was decreed to him alone.
The former treatise (chap. 9), under the head of examples (7rapabeiyµara), gives historical examples of the unexpected in war for the years 4 0 3, 371, 35 8, concluding with the year 340, in which the Corinthians, coming with nine triremes to the assistance of the Syracusans, defeated the Carthaginians who were blockading Syracuse with 150 ships.
Alternately victorious and defeated, spared by the Syracusans on whose mercy he cast himself as a suppliant (451), sent to be safe at Corinth, he came back to Sicily only to form greater plans than before.
28-32), probably following Timaeus, represents him as inducing the Syracusans to pass sentence of death on the captive Athenian generals, but we need have no hesitation in accepting the statement of Philistus (Plutarch, Nicias, 28), a Syracusan who himself took part in the defence, and Thucydides (vii.
The island of Aiolie, the home of Aiolos, lord of the winds, which Ulysses twice visited in his wanderings, has generally been identified with one of this group. A colony of 'Cnidians and Rhodians was established on Lipara in 580-577 B.0 1 The inhabitants were allied with the Syracusans, and were attacked by the Athenian fleet in 427 B.C., and by the Carthaginians in 397 B.C., while Agathocles plundered a temple on Lipara in 301 B.C. During the Punic wars the islands were a Carthaginian naval station of some importance until the Romans took possession of them in 252 B.C. Sextus Pompeius also used them as a naval base.
In the Athenian expedition against Syracuse (415-413) Lamachus proposed (it being then deserted) to make it the Athenian base of operations; but his advice was not taken, and in the next spring the Syracusans fortified it.
Removed its inhabitants to Leontini, repeopled it with 5000 Syracusans and 5000 Peloponnesians, and changed its name to Aetna.
In 461 B.C., however, with the help of Ducetius and the Syracusans, the former inhabitants recovered possession of their city and revived the old name.