But he was suspicious of Sir Edward Grey's foreign policy, which he thought too slavish in its following of Lord Lansdowne; and he opposed the naval increases of the years before the World War, as the socialists in Berlin had opposed the German increases which provoked British rejoinders.
Presented to parliament in November 1898, the bill was read a second time in the following spring, but its third reading was violently obstructed by the Socialists, Radicals and Republicans of the Extreme Left.
The general election of June 1900 not only failed to reinforce the cabinet, but largely increased the strength of the extreme parties (Radicals, Republicans and Socialists), who in the new Chamber numbered nearly 100 out of a total of 508.
Unfortunately these genuine grievai~ces were taken advantage of by the Socialists for their own purposes, and strikes and disorders were sometimes promoted without cause and conciliation impeded by outsiders who acted from motives of personal ambition or profit.
The Socialist party, which had grown powerful under a series of weak-kneed administrations, now began to show signs of division; on the one hand there was the revolutionary wing, led by Signor Enrico Fern, the Mantuan deputy, which advocated a policy of uncompromising class warfare, and on the other the riformisti, or moderate Socialists, led by Signor Filippo Turati, deputy for Milan, who adopted a more conciliatory attitude and were ready to ally themselves with other parliamentary parties.
The Socialists and the Freemasons were largely responsible for the agitation, and they filled the country with stories of other priestly and coriventual immoralities, nearly all of which, except the original case at Greco, proved to be without foundation.
The failure of the strike caused the Socialists to quarrel among themselves and to accuse each other of dishonesty in the management of party funds; it appeared in fact that the large sums collected throughout Italy on behalf of the strikers had been squandered or appropriated by the syndacalist leaders.
In October 1904, after the September strikes, the Chamber was dissolved, and at the general elections in November a ministerial majority was returned, while the deputies of the Extreme Left (Socialists, Republicans and Radicals) were reduced from 107 to 94, and a few mild clericals elected.
A motion presented by the Socialists in the Chamber for the immediate discussion of a bill to prevent the massacres of the proletariate having been rejected by an enormous majority, the 28 Socialist deputies resigned their seats; on presenting themselves for re-election their number was reduced to 25.
At the general elections of March I9o9, over a score of Clerical deputies were returned, Clericals of a very mild tone who had no thought of the temporal power and were supporters of the monarchy and anti-socialists; where no Clerical candidate was in the field the Catholic voters plumped for the constitutional candidate against all representatives of the Extreme Left.
Apart from the extremists on Develop- one side or the other, frank reactionaries on the De ment of Right and Socialists on the Left, two main divisions political of opinion revealed themselves in the congresses of parties.
The " Cadets," it is true, lost many seats both to the Socialists and to the extreme Right, but they held the balance of the House, of which the Octobrists and the Right together only constituted one-fifth, and their leader, M.
2 1913); although a Giolittian majority was again returned, his opponents, not only among the Socialists but also among the constitutional parties, were now more numerous, and he felt that opposition to his rule was growing in the country at large even more than in Parliament.
But after the Armistice the unsatisfactory consequences of the peace negotiations, the heavy burden of suffering and loss caused by the war, and, above all, the intolerable internal policy of the Nitti Cabinet, which seemed prepared to hand the country over to the Bolshevist Socialists, brought about the return of Giolitti to the sphere of practical politics once more.
He succeeded in forming a Cabinet which comprised a number of non-Giolittians of all parties, but only a few of his own "old guard," so that he won the support of a considerable part of the Chamber, although the Socialists and the Popolari (Catholics) rendered his hold somewhat precarious.
But he appears to have acted under the impression that the Socialists were much stronger than they really were, and therefore gave them a free hand with the object of avoiding bloodshed, and also perhaps with that of proving to the workmen that they could not run industry without the capitalists and the technical experts.
We must include the pioneers of the historical school, the economic historians, the socialists, the statisticians, and others whose contributions to economics are now appreciated, and without whose labours the science as we know it now would have been impossible.
His influence with the extreme Socialists had already declined, for it was said that his departure from the true Marxist tradition had disintegrated the party.
(11th of May 1796), in which Jacobins and socialists were combined.
In 1891 the National Liberals had but a majority of one in the diet; from 1893 they could maintain themselves only with the aid of the Conservatives; and in 1897 a coalition of Ultramontanes, Socialists, Social-democrats and Radicals (Freisinnige), won a majority for the opposition in the chamber.
The Seim comprised 112 members, of whom 59 were Christian Democrats, 29 Popular Socialists, 14 Social Democrats, 6 Jewish party, 3 Polish party and 1 German party.
The president was chosen by the governing party, the Christian Democrats; the first vice-president by the Popular Socialists; the second vice-president by the Christian Democrats.
The German Liberals and the governmental Socialists had withdrawn their support from Bethmann Hollweg's Government at the time of the so-called " Peace Resolution " (July 19 1917), largely on the ground that it was inconceivable that the Allies and America should ever negotiate with politicians like Zimmermann and Bethmann, who had been guilty of the note to Mexico and other treacherous proceedings.
When the conflict between the Republicans and Socialists broke out he resigned office, but continued to sit in the constituent assembly.
In two pamphlets, by an analysis of the teaching of the Socialists and a survey of Clerical policy during the 19th century, he explained and justified his opinions.
Throughout the World War he belonged to the Governmental section of the Socialists, and voted in the Reichstag for the war credits.
This resulted in 1901 in the complete elimination of the Socialists from the diet.
On this account, especially after the death of Lueger (on March 10 1910), a dominating personality who had held all parties together, opinion in Vienna and other towns turned against the Christian Socialists, who were accused of refusing all active measures of relief.
They attempted to rule by aid of the Socialists, but their power fluctuated as the demands of the Socialists became greater.
The National Socialists numbered thirty-four.
In 1921 the total number of Socialists of every complexion in the House of Deputies was 141, as opposed to 137 Bourgeois members (Czechoslovaks 199, Germans 72, Magyars 7).
Bismarck, who was less hopeful than the emperor, and did not approve of this policy, was thereby prevented from influencing the elections as he would have wished to do; the coalition parties, in consequence, suffered severe loss; Socialists, Centre and Radicals gained numerous seats.
None the less, all attempts to win the working men from the doctrinaire Socialists failed.
They continued to look on the whole machinery of government, emperor and army, church and police, as their natural enemies, and remained completely under the bondage of the abstract theories of the Socialists, just as much as fifty years ago the German bourgeois were controlled by the Liberal theories.
An attempt to treat them as not genuine Socialists was frustrated, and they continued in co-operation with the other branch of the party.
It was a sign of mostserious import for the future that in 1897 thc e,lgctoral law in the kingdom of Saxony was altered with thc express purpose of excluding the Socialists from the Saxon Landtag.
On the other hand, there were signs of a greater willingness among the Socialists to co-operate with their old enemies the Liberals.
This brought about a curious situation, the measures being only carried by the support of the Centre, the Radicals, and the Socialists, against the violent opposition of those classes, especially the landowners in.
The Military Bill had offended the prejudices of conservative military critics; the British treaty had alienated the colonial party; the commercial treaties had only been carried by the help of Poles, Radicals and Socialists; but it was just these parties who were the most easily oflended by the general tendencies of the internal legislation, as shown in.
The only result was, that the number of Socialists steadily increased.
It is only fair to say that no real proof was brought that the Socialists had anything to do with either of these crimes, or that either of the men was really a member of the Socialist party; nevertheless, a storm of indignation rose against them.
Bismarck probably expected, and it is often said that he hoped, to drive the Socialists into some flagrant violation of the law, of such a kind that it would be possible for him completely to crush them.