On all sides Serbia was now regarded as the southern Slav Piedmont: and the Dual Monarchy's consistently hostile policy toward Belgrade, and its only too successful efforts to set Serbia and Bulgaria by the ears, intensified the excitement and resentment among its Yugoslav subjects.
Montenegro in 1911 was approximately the same territory as it is nowadays, but Serbia was smaller than current-day Serbia.
While the ships were still engaged in tactical exercises, Austria's ultimatum to Serbia was issued (July 23) and the i 2 anxious days which culminated in the World War began.
In point of international law, its existence may be said to date from Dec. I 1918, when the Prince-Regent Alexander of Serbia formally complied with the invitation of the Yugoslav National Council to assume the regency over the sister provinces also.
Ivan Gundulic and the brilliant group of poets that gathered round him at Ragusa in the early 17th century, reflected in their writings the little Slav Republic's intimate connexion with its kinsmen of Serbia and Bosnia.
His two newspapers, the Illyrian National Gazette and the Danica Ilirska (Illyrian Daystar) provided a literary focus for the rising generation; while his reform of Croat orthography, planned on parallel lines with Vuk Karadzic's epochmaking philological work in Serbia, assured to modern SerboCroat literature a definitely unitary development.
It is highly significant that Jelacic as Ban of Croatia went hand in hand with the newly elected Serb-patriarch Rajacic: that Croats and Serbs, including many volunteers from the principality of Serbia, fought side by side against Hungary, and that the poet-prince-bishop Peter II.
Meanwhile the murder of Prince Michael in the same year deprived Serbia of a great statesman and the movement for unity of a possible head.
Count KhuenHedervary, as Ban of Croatia, reduced political corruption to a fine art and governed by playing off Croat and Serb against each other, and fanning the dying flames of religious bigotry: while at the same time Serbia under King Milan was reduced to the position of a mere satellite of Vienna.
The humiliating secret treaty concluded between Austria-Hungary and Serbia in 1881 had specially pledged the latter to repress any nationalist agitation against the Dual Monarchy, even in respect of that Bosnia for which Serbia had risked her existence four years earlier.
Under his regime Magyar intolerance of Croat national aspirations joined hands with the designs of the Ballplatz against Serbia in connexion with the impending annexation of Bosnia.
This article, which was based upon a mass of incriminating documents supplied to Friedjung by the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office, had been timed to coincide with the outbreak of hostilities against Serbia, and was to have been the first of a series convicting the Serbian Government and dynasty of aggressive and even murderous designs.
When at the last moment war was averted by the surrender of Serbia and Russia, an attempt was made to withdraw the article, but the first copies had already been issued: and Count Aehrenthal now had the double embarrassment of the Zagreb trial, which no longer served any purpose of foreign policy, but suited the aggressive game of Budapest against Zagreb, and of a libel action brought against Friedjung by those leaders of the Serbo-Croat coalition whose honour he had impugned.
The Serbian and Bulgarian anthems were sung on the streets, collections were made in every village for the Balkan Red Cross funds, and when Austria-Hungary mobilized, protests were heard on every side against the bare possibility of war with Serbia, which to the Yugosla y s would be a veritable civil war.
This appointment, at a moment when Austria-Hungary was again contemplating war with Serbia, naturally increased the ferment, and on Aug.
At a later stage the Orthodox calendar and the Cyrilline alphabet were prohibited, and this was actually enforced in Serbia itself during the Austrian occupation, and in the Serbian districts of Hungary from July 1916 onward.
It was easy to represent the Entente as having betrayed the interests of Serbia and her kinsmen: and as for a time the Pasic Cabinet, in deference to the narrowly Orthodox influences then all powerful at Petrograd, was prepared to limit its claims to the mainly Serb and Orthodox provinces of Bosnia and Slavonia, and to leave the Catholic Croats and Slovenes to their fate, there was during the summer a certain revulsion of feeling in favour of Austria-Hungary, who appointed a Serb Orthodox frontiersman (Granicar), General Boroevic, to the chief command on the Isonzo front.
The conquest of Serbia, however, once more closed the ranks of the Yugosla y s, who saw in unity their sole hope for the future: and the desertions to the Entente which were so marked a feature of the first winter, became so rife as to render necessary a drastic revision of the Austro-Hungarian regimental system.
It was left to the Yugoslav Committee abroad to claim independence as well as unity, to repudiate the Habsburgs (in a manifesto on the eve of the Budapest coronation) and to exalt the achievements of Serbia and the Karagjorgjevic dynasty.
The Declaration of Corfu made a profound impression in Austria-Hungary, which was heightened by Mr. Lloyd George's speech in honour of Serbia at a luncheon given by the Serbian Society of Great Britain to Pasic (Aug.
By Pa g e, .the reason, being his refusal as a good Yugoslav to transmit to the American Government a project assigning Bosnia to Serbia as " compensation " in the event of a patched-up peace.
This arrangement, however, never really came into force, for the simple reason that telegraphic communications between the West and Serbia were hopelessly irregular, and that events continued to move, with the advance of the Serbian army and civil authorities from the South and of the Italians from the West.
The Serbian army was also allowed to occupy the Backa, Syrmia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, but no territory farther west: and for a moment it seemed as though an attempt was being made to leave the Croats and Slovenes to their fate and to form an aggrandized Serbia on the lines advocated by Pasic and Petrograd in the summer of 1915.
The first Yugoslav Cabinet was constituted ?tinder Protic as Premier and Father Korosec as vice-Premier: Trumbic became foreign minister, and the other portfolios were diyided more or less equally between Serbia and the new territories.
The deputies for Serbia held mandates which had actually expired as long ago as June 1914, but whose renewal war and invasion had effectually prevented: those for Croatia had been elected in Jan.
In accordance with the Declaration of Corfu, the decision regarding the actual form of the State was left to a constituent assembly: but as the machinery of Belgrade was naturally quite inadequate to the task of administering a country three times the size of the Serbia of 1914, the provincial Governments of Croatia (with the Ban at its head), Slovenia, Dalmatia and Bosnia continued to function, though the local diets were no longer summoned.
The Radicals of Serbia being conservative in all but name, made a working alliance with the clericals of Zagreb and Ljubljana, and under the leadership of Protic favoured decentralization, combined with concessions to the expropriated landowners.
The campaign by which the Central Powers and Bulgaria crushed Serbia for the time being, and by their triumph opened communications through Bulgaria with the Ottoman Empire, profoundly influenced the situation in the Gallipoli Peninsula.
The prospect of revenge upon her enemies of the Second Balkan War - Serbia, Greece and Rumania - and of attaining her large territorial ambitions at their expense, proved sufficient, after prudent hesitation, to attract Bulgaria to the side of Germany.
Ban Jellacic, though loyal to the Emperor, had given expression to their aspirations towards unity as early as 1848; but Francis Joseph handed over the Croats and Serbs to Magyar domination (1867), and Dalmatia, the territory of the Austrian Croats, had been neglected by Vienna for years past; thus it was not till the years immediately preceding the war that it was rapidly developed by the construction of ports and railways and the encouragement of tourist traffic. The Slovenes, who inhabited Carinthia and Carniola, had less grounds for discontent, for the barren Karst had been afforested at the expense of the state; but though they were at the very gate of Serbia, they suffered from a shortage of meat, for Hungary obstructed the traffic in livestock in the interests of her great territorial magnates, and Austria bore the brunt of this.
When in July 1914 Austria commenced hostilities against Serbia, thus bringing about the World War, this act of aggression took place against the will of the Czechs and Slovaks, at that time subject to Austrian and Hungarian rule respectively.
In the preceding spring Serbia had driven back the Austrian armies out of her territory; but now a fresh Austrian invasion was imminent, and Bulgaria was plainly bent on revenging herself for her disasters of 1913 by preparing to attack Serbia in the flank.
Two days later, Venizelos made an important statement in the Greek Chamber, declaring that, if Bulgaria attacked Serbia, she would have to face the Greek army as well.
Between Bosnia and Servia; 1 The English-speaking races alone write this word with a v instead of a b, Servia for Serbia; a practice resented by the Serbs, as suggesting the derivation of their name from the Latin Servus.
Already Serbia had drawn her western forces into the Ovche Polye area, to dispute possession of the debatable region which Bulgaria claimed, and the II.
The origin of the war, as between Bulgaria and Serbia, lay in the non-observance by Bulgaria of the original treaty stipulation that she should aid the Serbian campaign in Macedonia with 100,000 men.
This claim Serbia was in no mood to concede, all the less so since her advance to the Adriatic had been forbidden b y the Great Powers.
Armies on all the routes leading into Old Serbia, and heavy counterattacks on the front of the Serbian I.
On June 19 1912 a military agreement was made between the general staffs of Serbia and Bulgaria, in accordance with the previous political treaty of alliance signed on Feb.
Serbia, on her side, had to consider not only central Macedonia but northern Macedonia and the Sanjak of Novibazar.
Further, Serbia was determined to carve for herself a way to the Adriatic through northern Albania.
All these things were, in their varying degrees, elements of policy upon which the Allied strategy must base itself if its war aims were to be obtained, and accordingly the military treaty between Bulgaria and Serbia provided for a Serbo-Bulgarian army of 7 Serbian and 3 Bulgarian divisions to invade Macedonia, moving concentrically against the front Uskub - Kumanovo - Kratovo - Kochana, forming the outer contour of the plain known as Ovche Polye which was assumed on both sides to be the natural concentration area of the Turks.