When the Revolutionary War began he was one of the first to hurry to Boston to help the people defend themselves against the British soldiers.
His hatred of revolutionary principles was fanatical.
The Convention refused, and the anti-revolutionary party, encouraged by this refusal, took action.
It was then that the long war, called the Revolutionary War, began.
His ostentatious hatred of the revolutionary parties marked him out as the natural object for these accusations.
He was one of the leaders of the emeutes of the 20th of June and the 10th of August 1792, played an important part in the formation of the revolutionary commune which assured the success of the latter coup, and was made procureur of the commune.
Rome was full of anti-revolutionary and anti-Napoleonic strangers from all parts of Europe.
Refusing all honours and recompense, he prepared to return to Italy upon receiving news of the incipient revolutionary movement.
The name was then given to the famous revolutionary song, composed in 1792, the tune of which, and the wild dance which accompanied it, may have also been brought into France by the Piedmontese.
In the spring of 1848 he was in Germany, and on the outbreak of the revolutionary troubles he accepted the invitation of the government of Baden to take the command against the insurgent "free companies" (Freischaaren).
Throughout the revolutionary years he supported his brother's policy, became a member of the Erfurt parliament, and, after the collapse of the national movement, returned to the service of the duchy of Nassau.
Then Chalier became the orator and leader of the Jacobins of Lyons, and induced the other revolutionary clubs and the commune of his city to arrest a great number of Royalists in the night of the 5th and 6th of February 1793.
While these disturbances were taking place in the province of Buenos Aires, another revolutionary rising was in progress in Santa Fe.
He treated the Levellers with some severity and showed his instinctive dislike to revolutionary proposals.
Grattan was a reformer and a patriot without a tincture of democratic ideas; Wolfe Tone was a revolutionary whose principles were drawn from the French Convention.
The woman was said to be a rabble-rouser because she shared her revolutionary ideas on campus.
These various movements proved in the first place that the masses were by no means ripe for revolution, and that the idea of unity, although now advocated by a few revolutionary leaders, was far from being generally accepted even by the Liberals; and, secondly, that, in spite of the indifference of the masses, the despotic governments were unable to hold their own without the assistance of foreign bayonets.
It is noteworthy that Romagna was the only part of Italy where the revolutionary movement was accompanied by murder.
The tsar, Alexander III., under the impression of the assassination of his father, desired, however, the renewal of the Dreikaiserbund, both as a guarantee of European peace and as a conservative league against revolutionary parties.
Action from principle--the perception and the performance of right--changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and does not consist wholly with anything which was.
The promise of a constitution for the empire, ~,~after made in 1849, was never carried out; the government of Lombardo-Venetia was vested in Field-Marshal Radetzky; and although only very few of the revolutionists were excluded from the amnesty, the carrying of arms or the distribution or possession of revolutionary literature was punished with death.
Ever since Venetia had been ceded by ~ Austria to the emperor Napoleon, and by him to Italy, ~ after the war of 1866, secret revolutionary committees had been formed in the northern Italian provinces to prepare for the redemption of Trent and Trieste.
More than ever at the mercy of the Radicals and of their revolutionary allies, Rudini continued so to administer public affairs that subversive propaganda and associations obtained unprecedented extension.
The revolutionary outbreak of 1820, which extended from Spain to Naples, seemed to afford the patriots an opportunity to secure the independence of Italy.
He joined O'Donnell and Espartero in 1854 against a revolutionary cabinet, and shortly afterwards turned against O'Donnell to assist the Democrats and Progressists under Prim, Rivero, Castelar, and Sagasta in the unsuccessful movements of 1866, and was obliged to go abroad.
It was the birthplace of both Morelos and Iturbide, and was captured by Hidalgo at the beginning of the revolutionary outbreak of 1810-1 1, and by Iturbide in 1821 when on his march to Mexico City, where he was crowned emperor.
He was for nearly eighteen years the soul of the republican conspiracies, the prompter of revolutionary propaganda, the chief inspirer of intrigues concerted by discontented military men of all ranks.
Pre-revolutionary days was beneficial and far from oppressive, and helped Lombardy to recover from the ill-effects of the Spanish domination.
In Modena Duke Francis, ambitious of enlarging his territories, coquetted with the Carbonari of Paris, and opened indirect negotiations with Menotti, the revolutionary leader in his state, believing that he might assist him in his plans.
The result was a revolutionary agitation which in Sicily, stirred up by Mazzinis agents, Rosalino Pilo and Francesco Crispi, culminated, on the 5th of April 1860, in open NII,S revolt.
The revolutionary and imperial epoch had seen a great development of Italian patriotism, and Santarosa was aggrieved by the great extension given to the Austrian power in Italy in 1815, which reduced his own country to a position of inferiority.
Played in double time the tune was a favourite march in the Revolutionary armies, until it was forbidden by Napoleon, on becoming First Consul.
About the same time, having shown too open sympathy with the revolutionary or reforming tendencies of 1848, he was for; olitical reasons obliged to leave Berlin and retire to the seclusion of Wiirzburg, the medical school of which profited enormously by his labours as professor of pathological anatomy, and secured a wide extension of its reputation.
On the 13th of February 1880, the minister of war, Dr Carlos Pellegrini, summoned the principal officers connected with the Tiro Nacional, General Bartolome Mitre, his brother Emilio, Colonel Julio Campos, Colonel Hilario Lagos and others, and warned them that as officers of the national army they owed obedience to the national government, and would be severely punished if concerned in any revolutionary outbreak against the constituted authorities.
A number of officers of the army and navy agreed to lend assistance to a revolutionary outbreak, and towards the end of July 1893 matters came to a head.
He took part in the revolutionary propaganda that led to the military movement in Madrid on the 22nd of June 1866.
Calderai, who may be compared to the Black Hundreds of modern Russia, the revolutionary spirit continued to grow, but it was not at first anti-dynastic. The granting of the Spanish constitution of 1820 proved the signal for the beginning of the Italian.
All the while a vast amount of revolutionary literature was being printed in Switzerland, France and England, and smuggled into Italy; the poet Giusti satirized the Italian princes, the dramatist G.
The revolutionary attempts of Bentivegna in Sicily ~I856) and of the Mazzinian Carlo Pisacane, who landed at Sapri in Calabria with a few followers in 1857, failed from lack of Dopular support, and the leaders were killed.
Italy, in constant danger from France, needed good relations with Austria and Germany, but could only attain the goodwill of the former by firm treatment of the revolutionary Irredentist agitation, and of the latter by clear demonstration of Italian will and ability to cope with all anti-monarchical forces.
It would have been well if Kossuth had had something more of Gdrgei's calculated ruthlessness, for, as has been truly said, the revolutionary power he had seized could only be held by revolutionary means; but he was by nature soft-hearted and always merciful; though often audacious, he lacked decision in dealing with men.
Up to the revolutionary year 1830 his religious views had remained strongly tinged with rationalism, Hegel remaining his guide in religion as in practical politics and the treatment of history.
Some delegates favoured the immediate formation of a new state, but the more far-sighted members argued that as the ordinance had not yet been voted upon by the people, and Virginia was still in the Union, such action would be revolutionary, since the United States Constitution provides that no state may be divided without its consent.
The king's attitude secured for him the good will and affection of a people, loyal by tradition to the house of Orange, and the revolutionary disturbances of 1848 found no echo in Holland.
Ferdinand, Philip's son, who succeeded under Dutillot's regency in 1765, saw his states occupied by the revolutionary forces of France in 1796, and had to purchase his lifeinterest with 6,000,000 lire and 25 of the best paintings in Parma.
Foremost among the leaders of the revolutionary armies were Manuel Belgrano, and after March 1812 General Jose de San Martin, an officer who had gained experience against the French in the Peninsular War.
His successes against the declining revolutionary cause were numerous and rapid.
An English clergyman named William Jackson, a man of infamous notoriety who had long lived in France, where he had imbibed revolutionary opinions, came to Ireland to nogotiate between the French committee of public safety and the United Irishmen.
Pressed by Cavallotti, Rudini in March 1897 dissolved the Chamber and conducted the general election in such a way as to crush by government pressure the partisans of Crispi, and greatly to strengthen the (Socialist, Republican and Radical) revolutionary parties.
As in 1894, excessively severe sentences were passed by the military tribunals upon revolutionary leaders and other persons considered to have been implicated in the outbreak, but successive royal amnesties obliterated these condemnations within three years.
The murder of Kotzebue by Karl Sand, however, shocked him out of his extreme revolutionary views, and from this time he tended, under the influence of the writings of Hamann and Herder, more and more in the direction of conservatism and romanticism, until at last he ended, in a mood almost of pessimism, by attaching himself to the extreme right wing of the forces of reaction.
The rebels had hoped for assistance from Urquiza, but the powerful governor of Entre Rios maintained the peace in his province, which under his firm and beneficent rule had greatly prospered, and the revolutionary movement was quickly subdued.
Here the efforts of Dr Alem succeeded in supplying a large body of rebels with arms and ammunition, and he was able, by a bold attack, to seize the town of Rosario and there establish the revolutionary headquarters.