But Leopold, alarmed at the turn affairs were taking, fled from Florence, and Montanelli, Guerrazzi and Mazzini were elected "triumvirs" of Tuscany.
Like Mazzini, Montanelli advocated the union of Tuscany with Rome.
Shortly afterwards he received Mazzini a letter from an unknown person, in which he was and exhorted with fiery eloquence to place himself at the Young head of the movement for liberating and uniting italY.
The author was Giuseppe Mazzini, then a young man of twenty-six years, who, though in theory a republican, was ready to accept the leadership of a prince of the house of Savoy if he would guide the nation to freedom.
Though eventually this activity of the Giovane Italia supplanted that of the older societies, in practice it met with no better success; the two attempts to invade Savoy in the hope of seducing the army from its allegiance failed miserably, and only resulted in a series of barbarous sentences of death and imprisonment which made most Liberals despair of Charles Albert, while they called down much criticism on Mazzini as the organizer of raids in which he himself took no part.
The disorders in Naples and Sicily in 1837 had no connection with Mazzini, but the forlorn hope of the brothers Bandiera, who in 1844 landed on the Calabrian coast, was the work of the Giovane Italia.
The gth it voted the downfall of the temporal power and proclaimed the republic. Mazzini hurried p~c7ama to Rome to see his dream realized, and was chosen tlon,of the head of the Triumvirate.
On the 25th of April General Roman Oudinot landed with 8000 men at Civitavecchia, and Republl4 on the 3oth attempted to capture Rome by suprise, but was completely defeated by Garibaldi, who might have driven the French into the sea, had Mazzini allowed him to leave the city.
Order to gain tim.e for reinforcements to arrive, sent Ferdinand de Lesseps to pretend to treat with Mazzini, the envoy himself not being a party to this deception.
Mazzini refused to allow the French into the city, but while the negotiations were being dlagged on Oudinots force was increased to 35,000 men.
The Assembly, which had continued in session, was dispersed by the French troops on the 2nd of July, but Mazzini escaped a week later.
The Lombard republicans had been greatly weakened by the events of 1848, but Mazzini still believed that a bold act by a few revolutionists would make the people rise en masse and expel the Austrians.
Many of the republicans and Mazzinians joined it, but Mazzini himself regarded it with no sympathy.
Mazzini, now openly hostile to the monarchy, was seized with a perfect monomania for insurrections, and promoted various small risings, the only effect of which was to show how completely his influence was gone.
Formerly a friend and disciple of Mazzini, with whom he had broken on the question of the monarchical form of government which Crispi believed indispensable to the unification of Italy, he had afterwards been one of Garibaldis most efficient coadjutors and an active member of the party of action.
Expelled from France, he joined Mazzini in London, and continued to conspire for the redemption of Italy.
In 1864, however, he made at the chamber a monarchical profession of faith, in the famous phrase afterwards repeated in his letter to Mazzini: "The monarchy unites us; the republic would divide us."
In 1833 a conspiracy of the Giovane Italia Society, organized by Mazzini, was discovered, and a number of its members punished with ruthless severity.
He then became vice-rector, and afterwards rector, of the Irish National College in Rome; and during the Mazzini revolution of 1848 he was rector of the Urban College, saving the property under the protection of the American flag.
The discontent created at the time by the provision of the treaty of Paris as confirmed by the congress of Vienna had doubtless no slight share in keeping alive in Genoa the republican spirit which, through the influence of a young Genoese citizen, Joseph Mazzini, assumed forms of permanent menace not only to the Sardinian monarchy but to all the established governments of the peninsula.
She formed a little circle of friends, attached to her rather than to her husband; and to one of them, Giuseppe Mazzini, she confided her troubles in 1846.
The government tended to become more and more autocratic and to rely wholly on the all-powerful police, the spies and the priests; and, although the king showed some independence in foreign affairs, his popularity waned; the desire for a constitution was by no means dead, and the survivors of the old Carbonari gathered round Carlo Poerio, while the Giovane Italia society (independent of Mazzini), led by Benedetto Musolino, took as its motto " Unity, Liberty and Independence."
The following year the Venetian brothers Bandiera, acting in concert with Mazzini, landed in Calabria, believing the whole country to be in a state of revolt; they met with little local support and were quickly captured and shot, but their death aroused much sympathy, and the whole episode was highly significant as being the first attempt made by north Italians to promote revolution in the south.
During the struggle of1848-1866to expel the Austrians from Lombardy, Lugano served as headquarters for Mazzini and his followers.
Here, in company with Giuseppe Mazzini and other advanced politicians, they formed a "European Democratic Committee."
Gregory XVI.'s refusal to grant a constitution called forth a series of sporadic outbursts, inspired by Mazzini and the " Young Italian " party, between 1832 and 1838.
In Rome Mazzini proclaimed a republic. Once more France and Austria intervened; in 1850 Pius went back to Rome, and ruled there under the shadow of foreign bayonets.
The people of A.grigentum have never ceased to honour his name, and even in modern times he has been celebrated by followers of Mazzini as the democrat of antiquity par excellence.
He himself escaped to London where he joined the executive of the revolutionary committee of Europe, with Kossuth and Mazzini among his colleagues.
From early manhood a disciple of Mazzini and affiliated to the Giovane Italia, he took an active part in the Mazzinian conspiracies and was nearly captured by the Austrians while smuggling arms into Milan.
He was in communication with some of the conspirators, especially with La Farina, the leader of the Societd Nazionale, an association the object of which was to unite Italy under the king of Sardinia, and he even communicated with Mazzini and the republicans, both in Italy and abroad, whenever he thought that they could help in the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy.
The next few years were occupied with preparations for the liberation of Venice, and the king corresponded with Mazzini, Klapka, Tiirr and other conspirators against Austria in Venetia itself, Hungary, Poland and elsewhere, keeping his activity secret even from his own ministers.
Partly under the influence of Mazzini, the freedom of Italy became his ruling motive in life, - its emancipation, not only from foreign masters, but from modes of thought alien to its genius, and detrimental to its European authority.
Thence he went to Geneva, where he came into intercourse with Mazzini; but, unlike most of the German exiles, he was already an adherent of the socialist creed, which at that time was more strongly held in France.
When nineteen years old he corresponded with Mazzini, to whom he became whole-heartedly devoted; among other patriotic poems he wrote a hymn to the Bandiera brothers, and in the autumn of 1847 a song called "Fratelli d'Italia," which as Carducci wrote, "resounded through every district and on every battlefield of the peninsula in 1848 and 1849."
Mameli served in the National Guard at Genoa, and then joined the volunteers in the Lombard campaign of 1848, but after the collapse of the movement in Lombardy he went to Rome, where the republic was proclaimed and whence he sent the famous despatch to Mazzini: "Roma!
Elected Italian deputy in 1861, he succeeded Cavour in the premiership. As premier he admitted the Garibaldian volunteers to the regular army, revoked the decree of exile against Mazzini, and attempted reconciliation with the Vatican; but his efforts were rendered ineffectual by the non possumus of the pope.
The brothers Bandiera, sons of Baron Bandiera, an admiral in the Austrian navy, were themselves members of that service, but at an early age they were won over to the ideas of Italian freedom and unity, and corresponded with Giuseppe Mazzini and other members of the Giovane Italia (Young Italy), a patriotic and revolutionary secret society.
Rumours reached them there of agitation in the Neapolitan kingdom, where the people were represented as ready to rise en masse at the first appearance of a leader; the Bandieras, encouraged by Mazzini, consequently determined to make a raid on the Calabrian coast.