See also Kruger, article "Basilides," in Herzog-Hauck, Realencyklopeidie, ed.
Kruger in Hauck-Herzog's Real-encyk.
Eremites (Constantinople, 1883); see also C. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur (1897); Gass-Kruger in Herzog-Hauck, Realencyklopcidie fiir protestantische Theologie, Bd.
(1837); Kruger, "Uber das Verhaltnis des Orig.
Kruger, Die Apologien Justins des Mdrtyrers (3rd ed.
After the Jameson raid and the Emperor's telegram to President Kruger, in the drafting of which Baron Marschall, according to the later testimony now available, bore a leading part, it was he who declared in the Reichstag that the maintenance of the independence of the Boer republics was a " German interest."
Sir Alfred Milner reached the Cape in May 1897, and after the difficulties with President Kruger over the Aliens' Law had been patched up he was free by August to make himself personally acquainted with the country and peoples before deciding on the lines of policy to be adopted.
Though this was recognized by the more far-seeing of the Bond leaders, they were ready to support Kruger, whether or not he granted reforms, and they sought to make Milner's position impossible.
He returned to the Cape in February 1899 fully assured of the support of Mr Chamberlain, though the government still clung to the hope that the moderate section of the Cape and Free State Dutch would induce Kruger to deal justly with the Uitlanders.
Kruger in Herzog-Hauck's Realencyclopddie far protestantische Theologie (1905).
Sechele was regarded by the Boers as owing them allegiance, and in August 1852 Pretorius sent against him a commando (in which Paul Kruger served as a field cornet), alleging that the Bakwena were harbouring a Bakatla chief who had looted cattle belonging to Boer farmers.
Paul Kruger, who lived near Rustenburg, became a strong adherent of the new church.
At length Commandant Paul Kruger called cut the burghers of his district and entered into the strife.
Having driven Schoeman and his followers from Pretoria, Kruger invaded Potchefstroom, which, after a skirmish in which three men were killed and seven wounded, ' fell into his hands.
Kruger was appointed commandant-general.
In 1867 Schoemansdal and a considerable portion of the district were abandoned on the advice of Commandant-general Paul Kruger, and Schoemansdal finally was burnt to ashes by a party of natives.
He shows how, for purely personal ends, Kruger allied himself with the British faction who were agitating for annexation, and to undermine him and endeavour to gain the presidency, urged the Boers to pay no taxes.
However this may be, Burgers was crushed; but as a consequence the British government and not Paul Kruger was, for a time at least, master of the Transvaal.
In view of his attitude before annexation, it was not surprising that Kruger should be one of the first men to agitate against it afterwards.
And so Kruger and Dr Jorissen, by whom he was accompanied, were the first to approach Lord Carnarvon with an appeal for revocation of the proclamation.
Kruger, who since the annexation had held a salaried appointment under the British Government, again became one of a deputation to England.
On being directly appealed to by Kruger and Joubert, Gladstone however replied that the liberty which they sought might be " most easily and promptly conceded to the Transvaal as a member of a South African Confederation."
This, however, was not immediately available, and on the 13th of December the Boers in public meeting at Paardekraal resolved once more to proclaim the South African Republic, and in the meantime to appoint a triumvirate, consisting of Kruger, Pretorius and Joubert, as a provisional government.
The government of the state was handed over to the triumvirate on the 8th of August and was continued in their name until May 1883, when Kruger was elected president.
Simultaneously with this " irresponsible " movement for expansion, President Kruger proceeded to London to interview Lord Derby and endeavour to induce him to dispense with the suzerainty, and to withdraw other clauses in the Pretoria Convention on foreign relations and natives, which were objectionable from the Boer point of view.
Moreover, Kruger requested that the term " South African Republic " should be substituted for Transvaal State.
Unfortunately, the timid way in which it was done made as ineffaceable an impression on Kruger even as the surrender after Majuba.
Notwithstanding the precise fixing of the boundaries of the republic by the London Convention, President Kruger endeavoured to maintain the Boer hold on Goshen and Stellaland, but the British government on Efforts.
At the same time President Kruger revived the project of obtaining a seaport for the state, one of the objects of Boer ambitions since 1860 (vide supra).
Kruger endeavoured to acquire Kosi Bay, to the north of Zululand and only 50 m.
The wealth which was pouring into the Boer state coffers exceeded the wildest dreams of President Kruger and his followers.
Kruger would have none of it, although by so doing he could have obtained permission for a settlement at and railway to Kosi Bay.
Reitz as president of the Orange Free State (January 1889) on the death of Sir John Brand, Kruger recognized a new opportunity of endeavouring to cajole the Free State.
Brand had arranged, in the teeth of the strongest protests from Kruger, that the Cape railway should extend to Bloemfontein and subsequently to the Vaal river.
In response Kruger enacted that the period of qualification for the full franchise should now be raised to ten years instead of five.
During this year Kruger visited Johannesburg, and what was known as " the flag incident " occurred.
This incensed Kruger so much that for many years he continued to quote it as a reason why no consideration could be granted to the Uitlanders.
But they asserted that a narrow and retrogressive policy, such as Kruger was following, was the very thing to endanger that independence.
It soon became evident that one course, and one only, lay open to President Kruger if he desired to avert a catastrophe.
In the negotiations which followed, President Kruger at length agreed to extend " most favoured nation " privileges to British subjects in reference to compulsory military service, and five British subjects who had been sent as prisoners to the front were released.
This result was not, however, achieved before President Kruger had done his utmost to induce Sir Henry Loch to promise some revision in favour of the Transvaal of the London Convention.
Whether he deceived himself or not, he led President Kruger and the Boers to believe that Germany was prepared to go to almost any length in support of the Transvaal if any opportunity occurred.
His influence was an undoubted factor in the Kruger policy of that time.
The Delagoa Bay railway being at length completed to Pretoria and Johannesburg, Kruger determined to take steps to bring the Rand traffic over The Netherlands railway Drifts began by putting a prohibitive tariff on goods from the Vaal river.
Kruger then closed the drifts (or fords) on the river by which the wagons crossed.
Kruger telegraphed that " this annexation cannot be regarded by this government otherwise than as directed against this republic. They must therefore regard it as an unfriendly act, against which they hereby protest."
The words were but the utterance of an individual Raad member, but they were only a shade less offensive than those used by Kruger in 1892, and they too accurately describe the attitude of the Boer executive.
Rhodes and Jameson, after considerable deliberation, came to the conclusion that they might advantageously intervene between Kruger and the Uitlanders.
Between them it was arranged that Jameson should gather a force of Boo men on the Transvaal border; that the Uitlanders should continue their agitation; and that, should no satisfactory concession be obtained from Kruger, a combined movement of armed forces should be made against the government.
Meanwhile, in order to give Kruger a final chance of making concessions with a good grace, and for the purpose of stating the Uitlander case to the world, Charles Leonard, as chairman of the National Union, issued a historic manifesto, which concluded as follows: We have now only two questions to consider: (a) What do we want?
Phillips had been for three years in succession chairman of the chamber of mines, and he had persistently for several years tried to induce Kruger to take a reasonable view of the requirements of the industry.
The day after the surrender of Jameson congratulating Kruger that " without a appealing to the help of friendlypowers" he had PP g P Y P repelled the raiders.
7 a burg meanwhile the Kruger government regained control.
It was after the Johannesburg disarmament that Kruger had sixty-four members of the reform committee arrested, announcing at the same time that his motto would be ".
When Kruger found that no concession was to be wrung from the British government, he proceeded, instead of considering grievances, to add considerably to their number.
An industrial commission appointed during this year by President Kruger fared no better than the high court had done.
In 1898, to strengthen his relations with foreign powers, Kruger sent the state secretary, Dr Leyds," to Europe as minister plenipotentiary, his place on the Transvaal executive being taken by Mr Reitz, the ex-president of the Free State.
At home Kruger continued as obdurate as ever.
In January 1899 Mr Chamberlain pointed out in a despatch to President Kruger that the dynamite monopoly constituted a breach of the London Convention.