Gladys waddled down, her jaw set like a drill Sergeant, looking as if she'd like to spit in Jerome's coffee.
The growth of legends and traditional identifications can be traced in the writings of the pilgrims who have visited the town from Jerome's time till our own.
The year of his death is unknown, but he is referred to as no longer alive in Jerome's Contra Vigilantium (406).
St Jerome's mind was first seriously directed to religion while studying at Trier about 370, and St Martin of Tours came in 385 to plead with the tryant Maximus for the lives of the heretic Priscillian and his followers.
Jerome's work was continued successively by Gennadius of Marseilles, Isidore of Seville, and Ildefonsus of Toledo; the last-named writer brings the list down to the middle of the 7th century.
Besides these, a few fragments of an old !abridgment occur in Vallarsi's edition of Jerome's works (vol.
About the same time a visit of Jerome to Aquileia led to a close friendship between the two, and shortly after Jerome's departure for the East Rufinus also was drawn thither (in 372 or 373) by his interest in its theology and monasticism.
Though restored by Augustus and renamed Sebaste, after the great earthquake of 15 B.C., and visited in state by Titus before his Jewish War in 79 B.C., it was ruinous and desolate by Jerome's time 3; but the prestige of its priest-kings partly lingers in the exceptional privileges of the patriarch of the Cypriote Church (see Cyprus, Church Of).
Adversus Paganos, 1844); besides the Old and New Testaments, he appears to have consulted Caesar, Livy, Justin, Tacitus, Suetonius, Florus and a cosmography, attaching also great value to Jerome's translation of the Chronicles of Eusebius.
The maps which accompany St Jerome's translation of the Onomasticon of St Eusebius (388).
Our description of the Roman Catacombs cannot be more appropriately introduced than by St Jerome's account of his visits to them in his youth, already referred to, which, catacombs after the lapse of above fifteen centuries, presents a of Rome.
1 In complete agreement with Jerome's vivid picture the visitor to the Roman Catacombs finds himself in a vast labyrinth of narrow galleries, usually from 3 to 4 ft.
Jerome's corps was composed of the Bavarians, Wiirttembergers and Badensers.
The Report of the five bishops divides them into three schools: (1) the moralizing school, the oldest, by which - as in the case of St Jerome's treatment of the Jewish vestments - the vestments are explained as typical of the virtues proper to those who wear them; (2) the Christological school, i.e.
Jerome's practice, however, did not square with his theory.
The western church did not accept Jerome's definition of apocrypha, but retained the word in its original meaning, though great confusion prevailed.
§ 23; Jerome's preface to Psalt.
The Hexaplar text of the LXX., as reduced by Origen into greater conformity with the Hebrew by the aid of subsequent Greek versions, was further the mother (d) of the Psalterium gallicanum - that is, of Jerome's second revision of the Psalter (385) by the aid of the Hexaplar text; this edition became current in Gaul and ultimately was taken into the Vulgate; (e) of the SyroHexaplar version (published by Bugati, 1820, and in facsimile from the famous Ambrosian MS. by Ceriani, Milan, 1874).
There he was joined by two wealthy Roman ladies, Paula, a widow, and Eustochium, her daughter, one of Jerome's Hebrew students.
Jerome's mind was evidently full of anxiety about his translation of the Old Testament, for we find him in his letters recording the conversations he had with learned men about disputed readings and doubtful renderings; the blind Didymus of Alexandria, whom he heard interpreting Hosea, appears to have been most useful.
The result of all this labour was the Latin translation of the Scriptures which, in spite of much opposition from the more conservative party in the church, afterwards became the Vulgate or authorized version; but the Vulgate as we have it now is not exactly Jerome's Vulgate, for it suffered a good deal from changes made under the influence of the older translations; the text became very corrupt during the middle ages, and in particular all the Apocrypha, except Tobit and Judith, which Jerome translated from the Chaldee, were added from the older versions.
The accounts in Sozomen are mainly based on Jerome's Vita; but Otto Zocker has shown that Sozomen also had at his disposal authentic local traditions (see "Hilarion von Gaza" in the Neue Jahrbiicher fiir deutsche Theologie, 1894), the most important study on Hilarion, which is written against the hypercritical school of Weingarten and shows that Hilarion must be accepted as an historical personage and the Vita as a substantially correct account of his career.
Something novel is added by Jerome's phrase (in the De viris illustribus, cc. xxxi., cix.)) ecclesiastica dogmata, - found a ain in the 'a ' g title of the treatise now generally ascribed to Gennadius, and occurring once more in another writer of southern Gau1.3 The phrase is a serviceable one, contrasting church teachings with heretical " dogmas."
Elmenhorst's statement, that Musanus and Didymus in an earlier age wrote treatises with the name De ecclesi asticis dogmatibus, seems a plain blunder, if we compare Jerome's Latin with Eusebius's Greek.
Even in Jerome's time (De Vir.
But the unpopularity of Jerome's rule was shown by the part taken by the peasants in the abortive rising headed by Baron Wilhelm von Dornberg and other Westphalian officers in April 1809.