He led the opposition in his state to the policy of Madison's administration, was elected by the Federalists a member of the National House of Representatives, and took his seat in May 1813.
Their effect was supplemented by the division into French and British sympathizers; the Republicans approving the aims and condoning the excesses of the French Revolution, the Federalists siding with British reaction against French democracy.
Hamilton's death marked the end of the Federalists as a power in New York.
The Federalists were charged by the Republicans with being aristocrats and monarchists, and it is certain that their leaders 1 Even the Democratic party has generally been liberal; although less so in theory (hardly less so in practice) than its opponents.
The Federalists were strong enough to secure the adoption of a constitution (Oct.
In 1815, when the Dartmouth board of trustees was rent by factions, the majority, who were Federalists and Congregationalists, removed the president, John Wheelock, who was a Presbyterian, and appointed Francis Brown in his place.
The Federalists bore down on him unmercifully, and even attempted (1798) a constitutional amendment in regard to citizenship, partly, it appears, in order to drive him from office.
In counties where the Federalists had a majority very few removals were made.
Opponents of a second war with Great Britain had revived the Federalist organization, and Federalists from eleven states met in New York and agreed to support Clinton, not on account of his war views, which were not in accord with their own, but as a protest against the policy of Madison.
Later, the Livingstons, piqued at Wash= ington's neglect to give them the offices they thought their due, joined the Clintons, but the Federal patronage was used against the anti-Federalists or Republicans with such effect that in 1792 John Jay received more votes for governor than George Clinton, although the latter was counted in on a technicality.
But Potocki's influence was gone, and as soon as the European crisis was over, in February 1871, the emperor appointed a ministry chosen not from the Liberals but from the The Federalists and Clericals, led by Count Hohenwart ministry and A.
ANTI-FEDERALISTS, the name given in the political history of the United States to those who, after the formation of the federal Constitution of 1787, opposed its ratification by the people of the several states.
The strong measures of the Federalists shocked the country; the leaders of the dominant party quarrelled fiercely among themselves; and the Republicans carried the elections of 1800.
New York politics after 1800, the year of the election of Jefferson and the down fall of the Federalists, were peculiarly bitter and personal.
In 1864 he divided Venezuela into twenty states and formed them into a Federal republic. The twenty parties whose struggles had caused so much strife and bloodshed were the Unionists, who desired a centralized government, and the Federalists, who preferred a federation of semiautonomous provinces.
Hamilton's action in counselling Federalists not to vote for Burr for governor just as he had counselled them not to support Burr against Jefferson in 1800, was one of the contributary causes of Burr's hostility to Hamilton which ended in the duel (July 1804) in which Burr killed Hamilton.
Politically this opposition had the effect of temporarily reviving the Federalist party, which secured control of the legislature, and gave the electoral vote of the state in 1812 to De Witt Clinton, whom the Federalists had accepted as a candidate to oppose Madison for re-election on the war issue.
The attempts of a powerful faction among the Federalists to secure the election of Burr failed, partly because of the opposition of Alexander Hamilton and partly, it would seem, because Burr himself would make no efforts to obtain votes in his own favour.
The legislatures of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and town meetings in Cheshire and Grafton counties (New Hampshire) and in Windham county (Vermont) accepted the invitation, and the convention, composed of 12 delegates from Massachusetts, 7 from Connecticut, 4 from Rhode Island, 2 from New Hampshire and 1 from Vermont, all Federalists, met on the 15th of December 1814, chose George Cabot of Massachusetts president and Theodore Dwight of Connecticut secretary, and remained in secret session until the 5th of January 1815, when it adjourned sine die.
For several years the Anti-Federalists or Republicans had contended that the administration at Washington had been exercising powers not warranted by the constitution, and when Congress had passed the alien and sedition laws the leaders of that party seized upon the event as a proper occasion for a spirited public protest which took shape principally in resolutions passed by the legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia.
The Congress had meanwhile undone much of his work, and had divided into Federalists and Centralists, the latter largely Monarchists and Freemasons.
National elections in New Hampshire were carried by the Federalists until 1816, except in 1804 when President Thomas Jefferson won by a small majority; but within this period of Federalist supremacy in national politics the Democrat-Republicans elected the governor from 1805 to 1812 inclusive except in 1809.
As the trustees of this institution were Federalists with the right to fill vacancies in their number, the Democrats attempted to gain control by converting it into a state university and increasing the number of trustees, but when the case reached the Supreme Court of the United States that body pronounced (1819) the charter a contract which the Federal constitution forbade the state to violate.
As the Federalists were all opposed to the Ausgleich, it was clear that a Reichsrath chosen in these circumstances would refuse to ratify it, and this was probably Belcredi's intention.
The influence of the Poles was still sufficient to secure considerable concessions to the wishes of the Federalists, since if they did not get what they wished they would leave the House, and the Slovenes, Dalmatians and Tirolese would certainly follow them.
Before the combination of Clericals and Federalists the ministry broke down; they were divided among themselves; Counts Taaffe and Alfred Potocki, the minister of agriculture, wished to conciliate the Slav races - a policy recommended 1 The documents are printed in Baron de Worms, op. cit.
They attempted to solve the problem by granting to the Federalists all their demands.
A still greater blow to the Federalists was the passing of a new electoral law in 1873.
The measure transferred the right of electing members of the Reichsrath from the diets to the direct vote of the people, the result being to deprive the Federalists of their chief weapon; it was no longer possible to take a formal vote of the legal representatives in any territory refusing to appoint deputies, and if a Czech or Slovene member did not take his seat the only result was that a single constituency was unrepresented, and the opposition weakened.
Yet within four years the government was obliged to turn for support to the Federalists and Clericals, and the rule of the German Liberals was overthrown.
He was not himself a party man; he had sat in a Liberal government; he had never assented to the principles of the Federalists, nor was he an adherent of the Clerical party.
He subsequently allied himself with the Federalists, and was an opponent of Thomas `Jefferson, who in 1807 spoke of him as the "Federal Bull-Dog."
Disclosures strengthened the Federalists, until these, mistaking the popular resentment against France for a reaction against democracy - an equivalence in their own minds - passed the alien and sedition laws.
Unable to induce Burr to avow Federalist principles, influential Federalists, in defiance of the constitution, contemplated the desperate alternafive of preventing an election, and appointing an extra-constitutional (Federalist) president pro tern pore.
Republicans who had affiliated with the Federalists at the time of the X.
Disclosures returned; very many of the Federalists themselves Jefferson placated and drew over."
His conciliatory policy produced a mild schism in his own party, but proved eminently wise, and the state elections of 1801 fulfilled his prophecy of 1791 that the policy of the Federalists would leave them" all head and no body."In 1804 he was re-elected by 162 out of 176 votes.
The preceding administration was one with which he was in harmony, his position was different from that of Jefferson in 1801, and he had less occasion for removing Federalists from office.
Madison himself had attempted alternately to prevent war by his "commercial weapons" and to prepare the country for war, but he had met with no success, because of the tricky diplomacy of Great Britain and of France, and because of the general distrust of him coupled with the particular opposition to the war of the prosperous New England Federalists, who suggested with the utmost seriousness that his resignation should be demanded.
It is inconceivable that, to a man with his type of mind and his extraordinary experience, the practical sagacity, farsightedness and aggressive courage of the Federalists should not have seemed to embody the best political wisdom, however little he may have been disposed to ally himself with any party group or subscribe to any comprehensive creed.
The second war with England interrupted this material progress, and at its beginning was so unpopular, especially with the Quakers, that the Federalists carried the elections in the autumn of 1812.
Alicante was besieged by the French in 1709, and by the Federalists of Cartagena in 1873.
Instead of accepting the Constitution upon the condition of amendments, - in which way they might very likely have secured large concessions, - the Anti-Federalists stood for unconditional rejection, and public opinion, which went against them, proved that for all its shortcomings the Constitution was regarded as preferable to the Articles of Confederation.
In the Angevin Vendee the incapable leaders let themselves be beaten at Aubiers, Beauprau and Thouars, at a time when Cathelineau was taking possession of Saumur and threatening Nantes, the capture of which would have permitted the insurgents in La Vende to join those of Brittany and receive provisions from England; Meanwhile, the remnants of the Girondin federalists were overcome by the disguised royalists, who had aroused the whole of the Rhne valley from Lyons to Marseilles, had called in the Sardinians, and handed over the fleet and the arsenal at Toulon to the English, whilst Paoli left Corsica at their disposal.
His marching orders were: no more temporizing with the federalists or with generals who are afraid of conquering; war to the death with all Europe in the name of revolutionary propaganda and the monarchical tradition of natural frontiers; and fear, as a means of government.
8 That is, while Jefferson hated British aristocracy and sympathized with French democracy, Hamilton hated French democracy and sympathized with British aristocracy and order; but and in their conflicts over Hamilton's financial measures they organized, on the basis of varying tenets and ideals which have never ceased to conflict in American politics, the two great parties of Federalists and Democrats (or DemocraticRepublicans).
Jefferson merely had exaggerated fears of a moneyed political engine, and seeing that Hamilton's measures of funding and assumption did make the national debt politically useful to the Federalists in the beginning he concluded that they would seek to fasten the debt on the country for ever.
8 Jeffersonian democracy came into power in 1800 in direct line with colonial development; Hamiltonian Federalism was a break in that development; and this alone can explain how Jefferson could organize the Democratic Party in face of the brilliant success of the Federalists in constructing the government.
All the discontented elements united with the Democratic party in 1817 and defeated the Federalists in the state election; and in 1818 the existing constitution was adopted.
Most of the Federalists of 1787-1788 became members of the later Federalist Party.
The Federalists controlled the government until 1801.
Differences of opinion with regard to the policies to be pursued by the new government gradually led to the formation of two well-defined political groups - the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans - and Adams became recognized as one of the leaders, second only to Alexander Hamilton, of the former.
In 1796, on the refusal of Washington to accept another election, Adams was chosen president, defeating Thomas Jefferson; though Alexander Hamilton and other Federalists had asked that an equal vote should be cast for Adams and Thomas Pinckney, the other Federalist in the contest, partly in order that Jefferson, who was elected vice-president, might be excluded altogether, and partly, it seems, in the hope that Pinckney should in fact receive more votes than Adams, and thus, in accordance with the system then obtaining, be elected president, though he was intended for the second place on the Federalist ticket.
But the staunch Federalists of the senate, who had begun to draw the party lines rather sharply, found the presence of the young Genevan highly distasteful.
He was at once elected to the national house of representatives, and took his seat in December 1 795 There, by sheer force of ability and industry, he wrested from all competitors the leadership of the Republicans, and became the most dangerous opponent whom the Federalists had ever encountered in congress.
The Federalists swept all before them, and the members of the opposition either retired from Philadelphia or went over to the government.
The support of a measure so unpopular in New England caused him to be hated by the Federalists there and cost him his seat in the Senate; his successor was chosen on the 3rd of June 1808, several months before the usual time of filling the vacancy, and five days later Adams resigned.
They were termed federalists by their enemies and accused, unjustly enough, of wishing to dissolve the national unity.