Though aware of Bismarcks hostility towards Italy, of the conclusion of the Austro-German alliance of 1879, and of the undisguised ill-will of France, Italy not only made no attempt to crush an agitation as mischievous as it was futile, but granted a state funeral to General Avezzana, president of the Irredentist League.
He now made Beust, Bismarcks Saxon antagonist, the head of his government, as the result of whose negotiations with Dek the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 was agreed upon.
He also wrote Aus des Grossen Kurfarsten letzten Jahren (Berlin, 1897) and Bismarcks Bildung, ihre Quellen and ihre Ausserungen (Berlin, 1904).
The Polish rising of 1863 came just in time to prevent a threatened Franco-Russian alliance; the timid and double-faced attitude of both France and Austria during the revolt left them isolated in Europe, while Bismarcks ready assistance to Russia assured at least the benevolent neutrality in the coming struggle with the Habsburg power.
Bismarcks reply was to deny the competency of the diet to interfere; and in the Prussian parliament the minister of war moved for a special grant for the creation of a war-harbour at Kid.
Th rapidity and overwhelming character of the Prussian sdccesi ensured the triumph of Bismarcks policy.
This sense of common interests it was Bismarcks study to create.
This was a claim exactly calculated to play into Bismarcks hands.
After Bismarcks retirement the emperor attempted to bring about a reconciliation with the duke and the Hanoverians.
Moreover, a law of 1878, the occasion of which was Bismarcks long absence from Berlin, empowered the chancellor to appoint a substitute or representative (Stellvertreter) either for the whole duties of his office or for the affairs of a particular department.
Refused to accept Bismarcks proposal for a state monopoly of tobacco.
The Liberals were very suspicious of Bismarcks ~ d intentions.
Nor did they assent to Bismarcks proposal that the Reichstag should assume power to exclude from the House members who were guilty of misusing the liberty of speech which they enjoyed there.
At the beginning of the autumn session a union of 204 members of the Reichstag was formed for the discussion of econolnic questions, and they accepted Bismarcks reforms. In December he was therefore able to issue a memorandum explaining his policy; it included a moderate duty, about 5%, on all imported goods, with the exception of raw material required for German manufactures (this was a return to the old Prussian principle); high finance duties on tobacco, beer, brandy and petroleum; and protective duties on iron, corn, cattle, wood, wine and sugar.
The result was that the income from customs and excise rose from about 230 million marks in 1878-1879 to about 700 millions in 1898-1899, and Bismarcks object in removing a great burden from the states was attained.
In 1884 a new development took place: u,nder the influence of Miquel a meeting was held at Heidelberg of the South German members of the party, who accepted the commercial and social policy of the government, including the Socialist law; their programme received Bismarcks approval, and was accepted by the rest of the patty, so that they henceforward were taken into favor by the government; but they had wpn the position by sacrificing almost all the characteristics of the older Liberalism the hope of a reunion for all the different sections which had hitherto kept the name of Liberal was at an end.
This project, which was a natural continuation of Bismarcks policy, was, however, rejected by the Prussian parliament in 1899.
During all this period Bismarcks authority was so great, that in the conduct of foreign affairs he was freed from the Foreign criticism and opposition which so often hampered sf/airs: him in his internal policy, and he was able to establish the Triple that system of alliances on which for so many years Alliance, the political system of Europe depended.
Under the effect of one of Bismarcks speeches, the Military Bill was unanimously passed almost without debate.
The treaty lapsed in 1890, and owing to Bismarcks dismissal was not renewed.
Bismarcks own position would naturally have been seriously affected by the fall of a colleague with whom he was closely connected, and another point of internal policy showed also how numerous were the differences between the chancellor and the emperor.
Bismarcks successor, General von Caprivi, held a similar combination of offices, but the chief control passed now into the hands of the emperor himself.
The emperor had returned to Bismarcks policy of joining social reform with repressive legislation.
Some of the Conservative leaders, especially Baron von Stumm, the great manufacturer (one of Bismarcks chief advisers on industrial matters), demanded protection against the teaching of some of the professors with whose economic doctrines they did not agree; pastors who took part in the Christian-Social movement incurred the displeasure of the government; and Professor Delbruck was summoned before a disciplinary court because, in the Preussisc/~e Ja/zrbcher, which he edited, he had ventured to criticize the policy of the Prussian government towards the Danes in Schleswig.
This reaction was deliberately fostered during Bismarcks later years for internal reasons; for, as Great Britain was looked upon as the home of parliamentary government and Free Trade, a less favorable view might weaken German belief in doctrines and institutions adopted from that country.
Blum, Die deutsche Revolution 1848-1849 (Florence, 1897) and Des deutsche Reich cur Zeit Bismarcks (Leipzig, 1893); W.