In 1890 Prince Bismarck received the title of duke of Lauenburg.
The King of Prussia and Bismarck issue decrees and an army enters Bohemia.
In the long and important debate upon foreign policy in the Italian Chamber of Deputies (6th to 9th December) the fear was repeatedly expressed lest Bismarck should seek to purchase the support of German Catholics by raising the Roman question.
Kalnky desired that both the terms of the treaty and the fact of its conclusion should remain secret, but Bismarck and Mancini hastened to hint at its existence, the former in the Reichstag on the 12th of June 1882, and the latter in the Italian semi-official press.
These very considerations naturally combined to recommend the fact to constitutionalists, who saw in it, besides the territorial guarantee, the elimination of the danger of foreign interference in the relations between Italy and the Vatican, such as Bismarck had recently threatened and such as France was believed ready to propose.
France remained cold, while Bismarck and Kalnky, distrustful of the Radicalism of Depretis and Mancini, assumed towards their ally an.
The probability of the conclusion of a new Franco-Italian treaty was small, both on account of the protectionist spirit of France and of French resentment at the renewal of the triple alliance, but even such slight probability vanished after a visit paid to Bismarck by Crispi (October 1887) within three months of his appointment to the premiership. Crispi entertained no a priori animosity towards France, but was strongly convinced that Italy must emancipate herself from the position of political dependence on her powerful neighbor which had vitiated the foreign policy of the Left.
Meanwhile the enthusiastic reception accorded to the young German emperor on the occasion of his visit to Rome in October 1888, and the cordiality shown towards King Humbert and Crispi at Berlin in May 1889, increased the tension of FrancoItalian relations; nor was it until after the fall of Prince Bismarck in March 1890 that Crispi adopted towards the Republic a more friendly attitude by sending an Italian squadron to salute President Carnot at Toulon.
In return for Russia's service in preventing the aid of Austria from being given to France, Gorchakov looked to Bismarck for diplomatic support in the Eastern Question, and he received an instalment of the expected support when he successfully denounced the Black Sea clauses of the treaty of Paris.
In 1875 Bismarck was suspected of a design of again attacking France, and Gorchakov gave him to understand, in a way which was not meant to be offensive, but which roused the German chancellor's indignation, that Russia would oppose any such scheme.
On that occasion Bismarck helped Gorchakov to ward off the threatened intervention of France and England, and he thereby founded the cordial relations which subsisted between the cabinets of Berlin and St Petersburg down to 1878, and which contributed powerfully to the creation of the German empire by defending the Prussian cabinet against the jealousy and enmity of Austria and France.
In return for these services Bismarck helped Russia to recover a portion of what she had lost by the Crimean War, for it was thanks to his connivance and diplomatic support that she was able in 1871 to denounce with impunity the clauses of the treaty of Paris which limited Russian armament in the Black Sea.
He suspected Bismarck of harbouring hostile designs against Russia, and he came to recognize that the permanent weakening of France was not in accordance with Russian political interests.
In May of this year he had an important interview with Bismarck, who wished to secure his support for the reform of the confederation, and after the war was over at once accepted the position of a Prussian subject, and took his seat in the diet of the North German Confederation and in the Prussian parliament.
It was chiefly owing to him that the building up of the internal institutions of the empire was carried on without the open breach between Bismarck and the parliament, which was often imminent.
Many amendments suggested by him were introduced in the debates on the constitution; in 1870 he undertook a mission to South Germany to strengthen the national party there, and was consulted by Bismarck while at Versailles.
In 1877 he was offered the post of vice-chancellor with a seat in the Prus s ian ministry, but refused it because Bismarck or the king would not agree to his conditions.
In 1883 he resigned his seat in parliament owing to the reactionary measures of the government, which made it impossible for him to continue his former co-operation with Bismarck, but returned in 1887 to support the coalition of national parties.
The famous declaration read by Gramont in the Chamber on the 6th of July, the "threat with the hand on the sword-hilt," as Bismarck called it, was the joint work of the whole cabinet; the original draft presented by Gramont was judged to be too "elliptical" in its conclusion and not sufficiently vigorous; the reference to a revival of the empire of Charles V.
When the preliminaries of peace came to be discussed at Versailles in February 1871, the cession of Alsace, together with what is called German Lorraine, was one of the earliest conditions laid down by Bismarck and accepted by Thiers.
Bismarck admitted the aversion of the population to Prussian rule, but said that everything would be done to conciliate the people.
He was especially exposed to the attacks of Bismarck, who attempted personally to discredit him and to separate him from the rest of the party.
The change of policy in 1879 led to a great alteration in his position: he was reconciled to Bismarck, and even sometimes attended receptions at his house.
In 1887 Bismarck appealed to the pope to use his authority to order the Centre to support the military proposals of the government.
In the social reform he supported Bismarck, and as the undisputed leader of the largest party in the Reichstag he was able to exercise influence over the action of the government after Bismarck's retirement.
In 1890 he succeeded Count Herbert Bismarck as Secretary for Foreign Affairs under the Caprivi chancellorship and continued to hold that office under Prince von Hohenlohe; but he had incurred the enmity of Prince Bismarck by refusing his advice when he first assumed office, and the result was a fierce press campaign against him which finally obliged him to speak out when he appeared as a witness at the trial of certain journalists in 1896 for lese-majeste.
After their realization by Bismarck these ideas have become sufficiently commonplace; but they were nowise obvious when thus published by Lassalle.
It was early in 1862, when the struggle of Bismarck with the Prussian liberals was already begun.
Bismarck coquetted with him as the representative of a force that might help him to combat the Prussian liberals; in 1878, in a speech before the Reichstag, he spoke of him with deep respect, as a man of the greatest amiability and ability from whom much could be learned.
(Cape Bismarck); and the duke of Orleans, in 1905, ascertained that this point was on an island (the Dove Bay of the German expedition being in reality a strait) and penetrated farther north, to about 78° 16'.
A few streets south of that is a monument to Lessing (1881); while occupying a commanding site on the promenades towards Altona is the gigantic statue of Bismarck which was unveiled in June 1906.
Whatever may be thought of the manner of this refusal, or of its immediate motives, it was in itself wise, for the German empire would have lost immeasurably had it been the cause rather than the result of the inevitable struggle with Austria, and Bismarck was probably right when he said that, to weld the heterogeneous elements'of Germany into a united whole, what was needed was, not speeches and resolutions, but a policy of "blood and iron."
The House of Lords (Herrenhaus) justified the king's insistence in calling it into being by its support of Bismarck against the more popular House during the next reign.
In the Reichstag he had originally been a member of the National Liberal party, but in 1879 he was the first to accept the new commercial policy of Bismarck, and in his later years he joined the Moderate Conservatives, but his deafness prevented him from taking a prominent part in debate.
One of his first acts as premier was a visit to Bismarck, whom he desired to consult upon the working of the Triple Alliance.
The occasion for war was engineered entirely by Bismarck; and it is doubtful how far Moltke was in Bismarck's confidence, though as a far-seeing general he took advantage of every opening which the latter's diplomacy secured for him.
Bismarck diverted three Austrian corps by an alliance with Italy, and by consenting to the neutralization of the 1 The Lorenz rifle carried a .57 bullet and was sighted to 1000 yds.; the needle-gun with a much lighter bullet was sighted to 400 only.
Delbruck now began, with the support of Bismarck, to apply the principles of free trade to Prussian fiscal policy.
In 1867 he became the first president of the chancery of the North German Confederation, and represented Bismarck on the federal tariff council (Zollbundesrath), a position of political as well as fiscal importance owing to the presence in the council of representatives of the southern states.
In June 1874 he was found guilty of a libel on Prince Bismarck, whom he had compared to Frederick II.
This steady and increasing influx of Czechs is gradually infusing a large proportion of Slav blood in what Bismarck (in 1864)1864) described as the German capital of a Slav empire.
Bismarck was desirous of giving the city, in view of its former freedom, a more liberal constitution than is usual in ordinary cases.
The Austro-Prussian war appears to us undoubtedly the result of the crafty conduct of Bismarck, and so on.
Of the three sons of Count Franz, the eldest, Friedrich (1810-1881), entered the diplomatic service; after holding other posts he was in 1850 appointed president of the restored German Diet at Frankfort, where he represented the anti-Prussian policy of Schwarzenberg, and often came into conflict with Bismarck, who was Prussian envoy.
Italy which had begut with Villafranca; and Bismarck was not slow to make us~ of this hostility, with a view to preventing Italy from takinj sides with France against Germany in the struggle between the two powers which he saw to be inevitable.
The advent of Thiers, his attitude towards the petition of French bishops on behalf of the pope, the recall of Senard, the French minister at Florencewho had written to congratulate Victor Emmanuel on the capture of Romeand the instructions given to his successor, the comte de Choiseul, to absent himself from Italy at the moment of the kings official entry into the new capital (2nd July 1871), together with the haste displayed in appointing a French ambassador to the Holy See, rapidly cooled the cordiality of Franco-Italian relations, and reassured Bismarck on the score of any dangerous intimacy between the two governments.
The irritation displayed by Bismarck at the Francophil attitude of Italy towards the end of the Franco-German War gave place to a certain show of goodwill when the great chancellor found himself in his turn involved in a struggle against the Vatican and when the policy of Thiers began to strain Franco-Italian relations.
The visit to Vienna took place on the 17th to the 22nd of September, and that to Berlin on the 22nd to the 26th of September 1873, the Italian monarch being accorded in both capitals a most cordial reception, although the contemporaneous publication of La Marmoras famous pamphlet, More Light on 1/fe Events of i866, prevented intercourse between the Italian ministers and Bismarck from being entirely confidential.
On more than one occasion Bismarck had maintained direct relations with the chiefs of the Left, and had in I87o worked to prevent a FrancoItalian alliance by encouraging the party of action to press for the occupation of Rome.
Count Corti had no suspicion that France had adopted a less disinterested attitude towards similar suggestions from Bismarck and Lord Salisbury.
Lord Salisbury and Waddington at the instance of Bismarck, that, when convenient, France should occupy Tunisia, an agreement afterwn.rds confirmed (with a reserve as to the eventual attitude of Italy) in despatches exchanged in July and August 1878 between the Quai dOrsay and Downing Street.
Bismarck at that moment had entered upon his pilgrimage to Canossa.
The German emperor shared this desire, but Bismarck and the Austrian emperor wished to substitute for the imperial league some more advantageous combination.
Hence a tacit understanding between Bismarck and Austria that the latter should profit by Italian resentment against France to draw Italy into the orbit of the Austro-German alliance.