Extends the concessions obtained by the greater barons for themselves to the lesser landholders, the tenants of the tenants-in-chief.
He followed this up by excommunicating the barons who had obtained it, and in the autumn of 1215 the inevitable war began.
He then seized, but soon released, Stephen Colonna and some other barons who had spoken disparagingly of him.
Taking heart, the exiled barons gathered together some troops, and war began in the neighbourhood of Rome.
The same year Charles, on the invitation of the barons, took possession of the kingdom of Lotharingia.
In 920 the barons, jealous of the growth of the royal authority and discontented with the favour shown by the king to his counsellor Hagano, rebelled, and in 922 elected Robert, brother of King Odo, in place of Charles.
He reformed the administration and extended the powers of the Sicilian parliament, which was composed of the barons, the prelates and the representatives of the towns.
But strategic considerations were cancelled by the Persian barons' code of chivalry, and Alexander found them waiting for him on the banks of the Granicus.
In 1266 the town was the scene of a battle between the royal forces and the barons, when Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby, was taken prisoner.
This committee consisted of six members, two barons, two ministers and two burgesses - the two barons selected being John Napier of Merchiston and James Maxwell of Calderwood.
His chief literary work is La Congiura dei baroni, a history of the unsuccessful conspiracy of the Neapolitan barons against King Ferdinand L of Naples in 1485; it is based on the authentic records of the state trials, but is prejudiced in favour of the royal power.
Besides many hundreds of princes, dukes, marquesses, counts, barons and viscounts, there are a large number of persons of patrician rank, persons with a right to the designation nobile or signor-i, and certain hereditary knights or cavalieri.
Thus the titular king of Italy found himself simultaneously at war with those great vassals who had chosen him from their own class, with the turbulent factions of the Roman aristocracy, with unruly bishops in the growing cities and with the multitude of minor counts and barons who occupied the open lands, and who changed sides according to the interests of the moment.
Among the most noteworthy examples of such attempts maybe mentioned the revolt of the barons against Ferdinand I.
Briefly, they are to be found in the conditions of the time; the increasing insularity of the English barons, now no longer the holders of estates in Normandy; the substitution of an unpopular for a popular king, an active spur to the rising forces of discontent; and the unprecedented demands for money - demands followed, not by honour, but by dishonour, to the arms of England abroad.
However, this did not prevent the prelates from continuing to act to some extent with the barons, and early in January 1215 the malcontents asked the king to confirm the laws of Edward the Confessor and the other liberties of the kingdom.
Energetically making use of this period of respite, he again issued the charter to the church, ordered his subjects to take a fresh oath of allegiance to him, and sent to the pope for aid; but neither these precautions, nor his expedient of taking the cross, deterred the barons from returning to the attack.
On the 5th of May the barons formally renounced their allegiance to John, and appointed Robert Fitzwalter as their leader.
Promising to assent to their demands, he agreed to meet the barons, and the gathering was fixed for the 15th of June, and was to take place in a meadow between Staines and Windsor, called Runnimede.
At the famous conference, which lasted from Monday the 15th to Tuesday the 23rd of June, the hostile barons were present in large numbers; on the other hand John, who rode over each day from Windsor, was only attended by a few followers.
The document itself provided for an elected committee of twenty-five barons, whose duty was to compel John, by force if necessary, to keep his promises; but this was evidently regarded as insufficient, and the matter was dealt with in a supplementary treaty (Conventio facia inter regem Angliae et barones ejusdum regni).
John then asked the barons for a charter that they on their part would keep the peace.
He appealed to the pope, and hoped to crush his enemies by the aid of foreign troops, while the barons prepared for war, and the prelates strove to keep the peace.
Capturing Rochester castle, John met with some other successes, and the disheartened barons invited Louis, son of Philip Augustus of France and afterwards king as Louis VIII., to take the English crown.
The preamble states that the king has granted the charter on the advice of various prelates and barons, some of whom, including the archbishop of Canterbury, the papal legate Pandulf, and William Marshal, earl of Pembroke, are mentioned by name.
Now for a short time the document leaves the great questions at issue between the king and the barons, and two chapters are devoted to protecting the people generally against the exactions of the Jews.
Having thus disposed of this matter, the grievances of the barons are again considered, the vexed question of scutage being dealt with.
In dealing with this matter the Articles of the Barons had declared that aids and tallages must not be taken from the citizens of London and of other places without the consent of the council.
Individual summonses must be sent to the prelates and greater barons, while the lesser barons hill be called together through the sheriffs and bailiffs.
Here were many grievances, and the barons set to work to redress them.
In the same way earls and barons must only be fined by their peers, and a similar privilege is extended to the clergy, who, moreover, were not to be fined in accordance with the value of their benefices, but only of their other property.
The relation of the king to his own barons within his immediate kingdom of Jerusalem is not unlike the relation of the king to the three princes.
In Norman England the king insisted on his rights; in Frankish Jerusalem the barons insisted on his duties.
Yet the high court, which decided all problems of descent, would naturally intervene if a problem of descent arose, as it frequently did, in the kingdom; and thus the barons had the right of deciding between different claimants, and also of formally "approving" each new successor to the throne.
The barons suspected the crusaders of ulterior motives, and of designing to get new principalities for themselves.
The barons alternated between the extravagances of Western chivalry and the attractions of Eastern luxury: they returned from the field to divans with frescoed walls and floors of mosaic, Persian rugs and embroidered silk hangings.
The crusading barons of France chose their own leader, and determined their own route, without consulting Innocent.
During those fifteen years the kingdom of Jerusalem was agitated by a struggle between the native barons, championing the principle that sovereignty resided in the collective baronage, and taking their stand on the assizes, and Frederick II., claiming sovereignty for himself, and opposing to the assizes the feudal law of Sicily.
Had insisted on the right of wardship which he enjoyed as overlord of the island,' and he had appointed a commission of five barons to exercise his rights.
At a council held in London on the 6th of April 1152 Stephen induced a small number of barons to do homage to Eustace as their future king; but the primate, Theobald, and the other bishops declined to perform the coronation ceremony on the ground that the Roman curia had declared against the claim of Eustace.
A statement of Peter Langtoft that he was at the parliament of Lincoln in 1301, when the English barons repudiated the claim of Pope Boniface VIII.
These proceedings aroused the anger and jealousy of the barons, and their wrath was diminished neither by Gaveston's superior skill at the tournament, nor by his haughty and arrogant behaviour to themselves.