In his Theodicy Leibnitz argues, like not a few predecessors, that this universe must be regarded as the best of all possible universes.
The former distinctly argues against the idea of a deterioration of man in the past.
The fourth argues for the orthodox belief of the two natures and one person of Christ.
This is why Dulce argues with you.
Adam Ferguson (Institutes of Moral Philosophy, p. 119, new ed., 1800) argues that " the desire for immortality is an instinct, and can reasonably be regarded as an indication of that which the author of this desire wills to do."
He nowhere formally argues for the truth of theism.
Ultimately, he argues, if not immediately, there must be a rational cause to account for so rational an effect.
In " Some Consequences of (naturalistic) Belief," Balfour argues that the results of " naturalism " are unbearable.
Passing now to the later schoolmen, a bare mention must be made of Thomas Aquinas, who elaborately argues for the absolute creation of the world out of nothing, and of Albertus Magnus, who reasons against the Aristotelian idea of the past eternity of the world.
He argues, from the principle quicquid est in effectibus esse et in causis, that the elements and the whole world have sensation, and thus he appears to derive the organic part of nature out of the so-called " inorganic."
Gassendi distinctly argues against the existence of a world-soul or a principle of life in nature.
In the introduction to his work Von der Weltseele, however, he argues in favour of the possibility of a transmutation of species in periods incommensurable with ours.
Ramsay, however, doubts this (The Church in the Roman Empire, London, 1893), and argues that it was due to a long series of instructions to provincial governors (mandata, not decreta) who interpreted their duty largely in conformity with the attitude of the reigning emperor.
Paulus Orosius argues that the world has always been a vale of tears.
243) argues that if there was an original bond of kinship between the god and the kin, there is no need to maintain it by sacrificial rites, and cites against Smith's view the practice of totemic groups.
Marillier further argues that if, on the other hand, there was no bond between god and people but that of the common meal, it does not appear that the god is a totem god; there is no reason why the animal should have been a totem; and in any case this idea of sacrifice can hardly have been anything but a slow growth and consequently not the origin of the practice.
SYNOD OF LAODICEA, held at Laodicea ad Lycum in Phrygia, some time between 343 and 381 (so Hefele; but Baronius argues for 314, and others for a date as late as 399), adopted sixty canons, chiefly disciplinary, which were declared ecumenical by the council of Chalcedon, 451.
Loscher affirms in regard to miracles that " solus Deus potest tum supra naturae vires turn contra naturae leges agere "; and Buddaeus argues that in them a " suspensio legum naturae " is followed by a restitutio.
Robertson Smith, too, argues that Astarte was originally a sheep-goddess, and points to the interesting use of "Astartes of the flocks" (Deut.
The author of these receipts is not under any delusion that he is transmuting metals; the MS. is merely a workshop manual in which are described processes in daily use for preparing metals for false jewellery, but it argues considerable knowledge of methods of making alloys and colouring metals.
Vallard, all of Argues, near Dieppe, whose charts were compiled between 1541 and 1554.
Here Clement argues that wealth, if rightly used, is not unchristian.
24 and 58), and argued convincingly that the revisers of the Prayer Book in 1662, in restoring the Tomlinson (The Prayer Book, Articles and Homilies, p. 122 seq.) argues that this was a "fraud rubric" inserted without authority, and utterly perverting the meaning of the proviso in the Act of Uniformity.
S.v.) points out that the Septuagint reads simply Rimmon, and argues that this may be a corruption of Migdon (Megiddo), in itself a corruption of Tammuz-Adon.
In connexion with these two features of a Roman city supposed to be found in Ancient London the author argues for the continuity of the city through the changes of Roman and Saxon dominion.
As Laodicea is close to Colossae it does not follow, even if Archippus be held to have belonged to the former town (as Lightfoot argues from Col.
It argues the Kheta a people of considerable civilization.
At Boghaz Keui, Euyuk and Jerablus, the facial type is very markedly non-Semitic. But not much stress can be laid on these differences owing to (i) great variety of execution in different sculptures, which argues artists of very unequal capacity; (2) doubt whether individual portraits are intended in some cases and not in others.
108 sqq.) argues for the existence of a Hebrew apocalypse of Elijah from two Talmudic passages.
Suggest that the greater systems, like the Valentinian and Marcionite, had not yet made an impression there, as Harnack argues that they must have done by c. 145.
He argues against the setting up of classic art as an unchanging type, valid for all peoples and all times.
The former, he argues, are in the last resort libertinists and antinomians; the latter must be regarded as ascetic Judaists.
King now 2 plausibly argues, is not certain; nor whether the 32 kings who revolted and were conquered by Manishtusu, as we now learn, were by the Mediterranean, as Winckler argued, or by the Persian Gulf, as King holds.
Starting from consciousness, he argues that all known things are phenomena of consciousness.
Taking substance entirely in the sense of substrate, he argues that there is no evidence of a substantial substrate beneath mental operations; that there is nothing except unitary experience consisting of ideas, feelings, volitions, and their unity of will; and that soul in short is not substantia, but actus.
Like Leibnitz, he proceeds from the fact that our perceptions are sometimes conscious, sometimes unconscious, to the inconsequent conclusion, that there are beings with nothing but unconscious perceptions; and by a similar non sequitur, because there is the idea of an end in will, he argues that there must be an unconscious idea of an end in instinctive, in reflex, in all action.
In his Christliche Dogmatik (2 vols., 1858-1859) he argues that the record of revelation is human and was historically conditioned: it can never be absolutely perfect; and that inspiration, though originating directly with God, is continued through human instrumentality.
4) he first argues that incontinence about such natural pleasures as that of gain is only modified incontinence, a sign (as causa cognoscendi) of which is that it is not so bad as incontinence about carnal pleasures, and then argues that, because (as causa essendi) it is only modified incontinence, therefore it is not so bad.
Against such the writer argues in Paul's name, as Luke had already done.
The care taken in the selecting and ordaining of the seven deacons argues a religious character for the common meals, which they were to serve.
In the West, Augustine, like Eusebius and Theodoret, calls the elements signs or symbols of the body and blood signified in them; yet he argues that Christ " took and lifted up his own body in his hands when he took the bread."
Yahweh's kingdom cannot perish even for a time; nay, Isaiah argues that it must remain visible, and visible not merely in the circle of the like-minded whom he had gathered round him and who formed the first germ of the notion of the church, but in the political form of a kingdom also.