Disraeli Sentence Examples

Benjamin Disraeli chose the title of earl of Beaconsfield in 1876, his wife having in 1868 received the title of Viscountess Beaconsfield.

He was, moreover, an Imperialist and a Colonial Federationist at a time when Liberalism was tied and bound to the Manchester traditions; and, to the consternation of, the official wire-pullers, he vigorously supported Disraeli's foreign policy, and in 1881 opposed the Gladstonian settlement with the Boers.

In 1874 he again became foreign secretary in Disraeli's government.

He brought forward a motion in parliament to this effect, which led to a long and memorable debate, lasting over four nights, in which he was supported by Sydney Herbert, Sir James Graham, Gladstone, Lord John Russell and Disraeli, and which ended in the defeat of Lord Palmerston by a majority of sixteen.

In 1873 he was offered a baronetcy by Gladstone, and again by Disraeli in 1874; in each case the honour was gracefully declined.

In February 1852 the Whig government was defeated on a Militia Bill, and Lord John Russell was succeeded by Lord Derby, formerly Lord Stanley, with Mr Disraeli, who now his constant companions were Homer and Dante, and entered office for the first time, as chancellor of the exchequer and leader of the House of Commons.

Mr Disraeli introduced and carried a makeshift budget, and the government tided over the session, and dissolved parliament on the fitted by an unique combination of financial, administrative and rhetorical gifts.

In defending his proposals Mr Disraeli gave full scope to his most characteristic gifts; he pelted his opponents right and left with sarcasms, taunts and epigrams. Gladstone delivered an unpremeditated reply, which has ever since been celebrated.

Lord Derby became prime minister, with Disraeli as chancellor of the exchequer and leader of the House of Commons.

On the 2nd of December Disraeli, who had succeeded Lord Derby as premier in the preceding February, announced that he and his colleagues, recognizing their defeat, had resigned without waiting for a formal vote of the new parliament.

The queen sent for Disraeli, who declined to take office in a minority of the House of Commons, so Gladstone was compelled to resume.

Following the example of Disraeli in 1868, he resigned without meeting parliament.

At public meetings, in the press, and in parliament he denounced the Turkish government and its champion, Disraeli, who had now become Lord Beaconsfield.

Great numbers of European and American authors were rendered into JapaneseCalderon, Lytton, Disraeli, Byron, Shakespeare, Milton, Turgueniev, Carlyle, Daudet, Emerson, Hugo, Heine, De Quincey, Dickens, Krner, Goethetheir name is legion and their influence upon Japanese literature is conspicuous.

In 1845 a Britton Club was formed, and a sum of £1000 was subscribed and given to Britton, who was subsequently granted a civil list pension by Disraeli, then chancellor of the exchequer.

Her letter to the emperor, pervaded with he religious and almost mystic sentiments which predominate in the queen's mind, particularly since the death of Prince Albert, seems to have made a deep impression on the sovereign who, amid the struggles of politics, had never completely repudiated the philanthropic theories of his youth, and who, on the battlefield of Solferino, covered with the dead and wounded, was seized with an unspeakable horror of war."Moreover, Disraeli's two premierships (1868, 1874-80) did a good deal to give new encouragement to a right idea of the constitutional function of the crown.

Disraeli thought that the queen ought to be a power in the state.

His notion of duty - at once a loyal and chivalrous one was that he was obliged to give the queen the best of his advice, but that the final decision in any course lay with her, and that once she had decided, he was bound, whatever might be his own opinion, to stand up for her decision in public. The queen, not unnaturally, came to trust Disraeli implicitly, and she frequently showed her friendship for him.

A somewhat different conception of the sovereign's functions was that of Disraeli's great rival, Gladstone, who, though his respect for the person and office of the sovereign was unbounded, not only expected all people, the queen included, to agree with him when he changed his mind, but to become suddenly enthusiastic about his new ideas.

It met with much opposition, and Disraeli was accused of ministering simply to a whim of the sovereign, whereas, in fact, the title was intended to impress the idea of British suzerainty forcibly upon the minds of the native princes, and upon the population of Hindustan.

In 1868 he was elected rector of St Andrews University, defeating Disraeli by a majority of fourteen.

Disraeli has not noticed Erasmus in his Quarrels of Authors, perhaps because Erasmus's quarrels would require a volume to themselves.

The success of his orations caused Disraeli to offer him the bishopric of Peterborough.

Magee took a prominent part in the Ritual controversy, opposing what he conceived to be romanizing excess in ritual, as well as the endeavour of the opposite party to "put down Ritualism," as Disraeli expressed it, by the operation of the civil law.

In a speech in favour of the government bill for a rate in aid in 1849, he won loud cheers from both sides, and was complimented by Disraeli for having sustained the reputation of that assembly.

In the same year Disraeli offered him the Grand Cross of the Bath and a pension.

It may be mentioned that Disraeli introduced a budget (on which he was defeated) in the autumn of 1852; and in 1860, owing to the ratification of the commercial treaty with France, the budget was introduced on the 10th of February.

In 1859, through a change of administration, the budget was not introduced until the 18th of July, while in 1880 there were two budgets, one introduced in March under Disraeli's administration, and the other in June, under Gladstone's administration.

S' With the advent to power of the Disraeli ministry in 1874 the nascent Imperial spirit grew in strength.

He was also engaged in the making of railways in Ireland, and in 1867 he was selected by Disraeli to serve on a commission to advise the government in respect of a proposal for a statepurchase of the Irish railway system.

But the bulk of the Conservative party rallied under the lead of Lord Stanley (afterwards Derby) in the House of Lords, and gradually subthitted to, rather than accepted, the lead of Disraeli in the House of Commons.

The view which Disraeli thus propounded in defiance of his previous opinions was confirmed by the electors on the dissolution of parliament.

When the new parliament met in the autumn of 1852, it was at once plain that the issue would be determined on the rival merits of the old and the new financial systems. Disraeli courted the decision by at once bringing forward the budget, which custom, and perhaps convenience, would have justified him in postponing till the following spring.

But the first Place in the cabinet passed in 1868 from Lord Derby to his lieutenant, Disraeli.

Thenceforward, for the next thirteen years, the chief places in the two great parties in the state were filled by the two men, Gladstone and Disraeli, who were unquestionably the ablest representatives of their respective followers.

It was also interesting to reflect that Gladstone had begun life as a Conservative, and had only gradually moved to the ranks of the Liberal party; while Disraeli had fought his first election under the auspices of OConnell and Hume, had won his spurs by his attacks on Sir Robert Peel, and had been only reluctantly adopted by the Conservatives as their leader in the House of Commons.

Disraeli, recognizing the full significance of this decision, announced that, as soon as the necessary preparations could be made, the government would appeal from the House to the country.

It was virtually asked to decide in 1868 whether it would put its trust in Liberal or Conservative, in Gladstone or Disraeli.

By an overwhelming majority it threw its lot in favor of Gladstone; and Disraeli, without even venturing to meet parliament, took the unusual course of at once placing his resignation in the queens hands.

The second reading of the bill was rejected by a small majority, and Gladstone resigned; but, as Disraeli could not form a government, he resumed office.

Disraeli found himself restored to power at the head of an overwhelming majority, and the great minister who, five years before, had achieved so marked a triumph temporarily withdrew from the leadership of the party with whose aid he had accomplished such important results.

Disraeli characteristically dismissed it as coffee-house babble, but official investigation proved the substantial accuracy of the reports which had reached England.

One party was led by Disraeli, who was supposed to represent the traditional policy of England of maintaining the rule of the Turk at all hazards; the other, inspired by the example of Gladstone, was resolved at all costs to terminate oppression, but was at the same time distrusted as indirectly assisting the ambitious views by which the Eastern policy of Russia had always been animated.

Through the insistence of Russia an armistice was agreed upon; and Lord Beaconsfieldfor Disraeli had now been raised to the peerageendeavoured to utilize the breathing space by organizing a conference of the great powers at Constantinople, which was attended on behalf of Great Britain by Lord Salisbury.

That it was fully sanctioned by his intellect at maturity is evident; but the vindication of unbiased choice would not have been readily accepted had Disraeli abandoned Judaism of his own will at the pushing Vivian Grey period or after.

And though a mind like Disraeli's might work to satisfaction with Christianity as "completed Judaism," it could but dwell on a breach of continuity which means so much to Jews and which he was never allowed to forget amongst Christians.

His name, the foreign look of him, and some pronounced incompatibilities not all chargeable to young Disraeli (as afterwards the name came to be spelt), soon raised a crop of troubles.

But Disraeli had found other studies and an alien use for his pen.

Dr Smiles, in his Memoirs of John Murray, tells of certain pamphlets on the brightening prospects of the Spanish South American colonies, then in the first enjoyment of emancipation - pamphlets seemingly written for a Mr Powles, head of a great financial firm, whose acquaintance Disraeli had made.

Aylmer Papillon was the title of it, Dr Smiles informs us; and he prints a letter from Disraeli to the John Murray of that day, which indicates its character pretty clearly.

About the same time he edited a History of Paul Jones, originally published in America, the preface of the English edition being Disraeli's first appearance as an author.

Disraeli had not completed his twenty-first year when (in 1825) Murray was possessed by the idea of bringing out a great daily newspaper; and if his young friend did not inspire that idea he keenly urged its execution and was entrusted b Y g, y Murray with the negotiation of all manner of preliminaries, including the attempt to bring Lockhart in as editor.

The title of the paper, The Representative, was Disraeli's suggestion.

But when these arrangements were brought to the point of completion, Disraeli dropped out of the scheme and had nothing more to do with it.

Neither seems to have paid up, and that, perhaps, had to do with the quarrel which parted Benjamin Disraeli and John Murray before a sheet of the luckless Representative was printed.

Many years afterwards (1853) Disraeli took an active interest in The Press, a weekly journal of considerable merit but meagre fortunes.

Murray's friendship and associations helped him in like manner, no doubt; and thus was opened to Disraeli the younger a world in which he was to make a considerable stir.

Yet Disraeli's range of observation must have been not only brief but limited when he sat down at twenty or twenty-one to write Vivian Grey.

His own strongly perceptive imagination (the gift in which he was to excel every other politician of his time) and the bent of political reading and aspiration from boyhood completed his equipment; and so the wonder that so young a man in Disraeli's social position should write a book like Vivian Grey is accounted for.

The success of this insolently clever novel, the immediate introduction of its author to the great world, and the daring eccentricities of dress, demeanour, and opinion by which he fixed attention on himself there, have always been among the most favourite morsels of Disraeli's history.

Inquiry still takes this shape, and when any part of Disraeli's career is studied, the laces and essences, the rings over gloves, the jewelled satin shirt-fronts, the guitareries and chibouqueries of his early days are never remote from memory.

The report of them can hardly be doubted; and as the last relation was made (to the writer of this article) not with intent to ridicule Mr Disraeli's taste but to illustrate his conquering abilities, the story is repeated here.

One of Disraeli's first friends in the world of fashion and genius was Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer.

Waiting for Mr Disraeli did not enhance the pleasure of meeting him, nor when he did arrive did his appearance predispose us in his favour.

Here we see at their sharpest the social prejudices that Disraeli had to fight against, provocation of them carried to its utmost in every way open to him, and complete conquest in a company of young men less likely to admit superiority in a wit of their own years, probably, than any other that could have been brought together at that time.

Soon after the publication of Vivian Grey, Disraeli, who is said by Froude to have been "overtaken by a singular disorder," marked by fits of giddiness ("once he fell into a trance, and did not recover for a week"), went with the Austens on a long summer tour in France, Switzerland and Italy.

Returning to a quiet life at Bradenham - an old manor-house near High Wycombe, which his father had taken - Disraeli put law in abeyance and resumed novel-writing.

But for Ixion in Heaven, The Infernal Marriage, and Popanilla, Disraeli could not be placed among the greater writers of his kind; yet none of his imaginative books have been so little read as these.

The mysterious malady continued, and Disraeli set out with William Meredith, who was to have married Sarah Disraeli, for Travel.

Together with other letters also published some time of ter Disraeli's death, they tell more of him than anything that can be found in print elsewhere.

When Disraeli returned to England in 1831, all thought of the law was abandoned.

Among Disraeli's great acquaintances were many - Lyndhurst at their head - whose expectations of his future were confirmed by the Wycombe speeches.

Accordingly, when in the spring of 1835 a vacancy occurred at Taunton, Disraeli contested the seat in the Tory interest with Carlton Club support.

It was at Taunton that Disraeli fell upon O'Connell, rather ungratefully; whereupon the Liberator was roused to retort on his assailant vehemently as "a liar," and humorously as a probable descendant of the impenitent thief.

And then followed the challenge which, when O'Connell declined it, was fastened on his son Morgan, and the interruption of the duel by seizure of Mr Disraeli in his bed, and his famous appearance in the Marylebone police court.

Here the first period of Disraeli's public life came to an end, a period of preliminaries and flourishes, and of what he himself called sowing his political wild oats.

It was a more mature Disraeli who in the general election of 1837 was returned for Maidstone as the colleague of his provi dential friend Mr Wyndham Lewis.

Therefore when, three weeks after the session began, a debate on Irish election+petitions gave him opportunity, Disraeli attempted that first House of Commons speech which imagination still dwells upon as something wondrous strange.

Disraeli studied too, no doubt, reading and inquiring and applying set thought, but such means were insufficient to put into his mind all that he found there.

Disraeli's mind and its judgments were of this character.

Breadth of view, insight, foresight, are more familiar but less adequate descriptions of a faculty which Disraeli had in such force that it took command of him from first to last.

These renderings to foresight might be denied assertion either for the sake of present ease (and Disraeli's prescience of much of his country's later troubles only made him laughed at) or in deference to hopes of personal advancement.

Remembrance of these characteristics - remembrance, too, that his mind, which was neither English nor European, worked in absolute detachment - should accompany the traveller through all the turns and incidents of Disraeli's long career.

When Sybil was written a long historic day was ending in England, a new era beginning; and no eyes saw so clearly as Disraeli's the death of the old day, the birth of the new, or what and how great their differences would be.

Taken from the life by Disraeli himself, accompanied by one or two members of the Young England party of which he was the head, it was the first of its kind; and the facts as there displayed, and Disraeli's interpretation of them - a marvel of perceptive and prophetic criticism - opened eyes, roused consciences, and led direct to many reforms.

These two books, the Vindication, published in 1835, and his speeches up to this time and a little beyond, are quite enough to show what Disraeli's Tory democracy meant, how truly national was its aim, and how exclusive of partisanship for the "landed interest"; though he did believe the stability and prosperity of the agricultural class a national interest of the first order, not on economic grounds alone or even chiefly.

And if Disraeli, possessed by these views, became aggressively insubordinate some time before Peel's proclaimed conversion to Free Trade, we can account for it on reasonable and even creditable grounds.

Spite, resentment at being passed over when Peel formed the 1841 government, is one explanation of these outbreaks, and a letter to Peel, lately published, is proof to many minds that Disraeli's denial to Peel's face in 1846 that he had ever solicited office was daringly mendacious.

More than possible it is if Disraeli knew on the 5th (as he very well might from his friend Lyndhurst, Peel's lord chancellor) that the appointments were then complete.

Disraeli made Peel's acquaintance early in his career and showed that he was proud of it.

Such men make such feelings evident; and there is no reason for thinking that when, after 1841, Disraeli charged at Peel in obedience to his principles, he gave himself pain.

His measures were supported by Disraeli, who understood that Protection must bend to the menacing poverty of the time, though unprepared for total abolition of the corn tax and strongly of opinion that it was not for Peel to abolish it.

Disraeli's first strong vote of hostility was on a coercion bill for perishing and rebellious Ireland.

It was repeated with greater emphasis in the session of 1844, also in a condition-of-Ireland debate; and from that time forth, as if foreseeing Peel's course and its effect on the country party, Disraeli kept up the attack.

Disraeli's opportunity was soon to come now; and in 1845, seeing it on the way, he launched the brilliantly destructive series of speeches which, though they could not prevent the abolition of the corn-laws, abolished the minister who ended them.

These speeches appeal more to admiration than to sympathy, even where the limitations of Disraeli's protectionist beliefs are understood and where his perception of the later consequences of free trade is most cordially acknowledged.

About this time, too (1851), his acquaintance was sought by an old Mrs Brydges Willyamsborn a Spanish Jewess and then the widow of a long-deceased Cornish squire - who in her distant home at Torquay had conceived a restless admiration for Benjamin Disraeli.

Her importunity succeeded, and the very small, oddly-dressed, strangemannered old lady whom Disraeli met at the fountain became his adoring friend to the end of her life.

She died in 1863, leaving him all her fortune, which was considerable; and, as she wished, was buried at Hughenden, close to the grave where Disraeli was to lie.

It is agreed that the first three years of Disraeli's leadership in Opposition were skilfully employed in reconstructing the shattered Tory party.

His first budget was a quaint failure, and was thrown out by a coalition of Liberals and Peelites which he believed was formed against Mr Disraeli more than against the chancellor of the exchequer.

The mismanagement of the war broke down the Aberdeen government in 1855, and then Disraeli had the mortification of seeing a fortunate chance of return to office lost by the timidity and distrust of his chief, Lord Derby - the distrust too clearly including the under-valuation of Disraeli himself.

The government in which Disraeli was again financial minister lasted for less than eighteen months (1858-1859), and then ensued another seven years in the cold and yet colder shade of Opposition.

The prejudice against Disraeli as Jew, the revolt at his theatricalisms, the distrust of him as "mystery man," which up to this time had never died out even among men who were his nearest colleagues, were now more openly indulged.

But it was an extremely bad time for Benjamin Disraeli.

Lord Palmerston now returned to Downing Street, and while he lived Disraeli and his colleagues had to satisfy themselves with what was meant for useful criticism, though with small hope that it was so for their own service.

A Polish insurrection, the Schleswig-Holstein question, a commercial treaty with France, the Civil War in America, gave Disraeli occasions for speech that was always forcible and often wiser than all could see at the time.

The party most pleased with the change was the Radical; the party best served was Disraeli's.

Another Reform Bill, memorable for driving certain good Liberals into a Cave of Adullam, broke up the new government in a few months; Disraeli contributing to the result by the delivery of opinions not new to him and of lasting worth, though presently to be subordinated to arguments of an inferior order and much less characteristic. "At this rate," he said in 1866,"you will have a parliament that will entirely lose its command over the executive, and it will meet with less consideration and possess less influence."

Whether Lord Derby or Mr Disraeli originated this resolve has been much discussed, and it remains an unsettled question.

To suppose Disraeli satisfied with the excuses made for his adoption of the "dishing" process is forbidden by the whole tenor of his teaching and conduct.

A few days after parliament met in the next year Lord Derby's failing health compelled 1?8 him to resign, and Mr Disraeli became prime minister.

Disraeli insisted that the question should be settled in the new parliament which the franchise act called for, and he seems to have had little doubt that the country would declare against Mr Gladstone's proposal.

But Disraeli, having good constitutional reasons for declining office at the moment, could not allow this.

Still gathering unpopularity, still offending, alarming, alienating, the government went on till 1874, suddenly dissolved parliament, and was signally beaten, the Liberal party breaking up. Like most of his political friends, Disraeli had no expectation of such a victory - little hope, indeed, of any distinct success.

This was a changing England, and one that Disraeli could govern on terms of mutual satisfaction; but not if the reviving "spirit of the country" ran to extremes of selfassertion.

Disraeli, who from first to last held to the Reformed Church as capable of dispensing social good as no other organization might, supported the Bill as "putting down ritualism"; spoke very vehemently; gave so much offence that at one time neither the bill nor the government seemed quite safe.

As if upon the impulse of this transaction, Disraeli opened the next session of parliament with a bill to confer upon the queen the title of empress of India - a measure which offended 2 For a detailed, if somewhat controversial, account of this affair, see Lucien Wolf's article in The Times of December 26, 1905, and Mr Greenwood's letters on the subject.

More important was the revival of disturbances in European Turkey, which, in their outcome, were to fill the last chapter of Disraeli's career.

The policy which Disraeli's government now took up may be truly called the national policy.

But a strong opposing current of feeling, equally passionate, set in against the Turks; war began and lasted long; and as the agitation at home and the conflict abroad went on, certain of Disraeli's colleagues, who were staunch enough at the beginning, gradually weakened.

It is certainly true that Disraeli was prepared, in all senses of the word, to take strong measures against such an end to the war as the San Stefano treaty threatened.

Such diplomacy in such conditions is paralytic. It cannot speak thrice, with whatever affectation of boldness, without discovering its true character to trained ears; which should be remembered when Disraeli's successes at Berlin are measured.

It should be remembered that what with the known timidity of his colleagues, and what with the strength and violence of the Russian party in England, his achievement at Berlin was like the reclamation of butter from a dog's mouth; as Prince Bismarck understood in acknowledging Disraeli's gifts of statesmanship. It should also be remembered, when his Eastern policy in 1876-1878 is denounced as malign and a failure, that it was never carried out.

Disraeli also looked back to those blunders, and he was by no means insensible to the fate of fallen ministers.

As if aware of much of this, the country was well content with Disraeli's successes at Berlin, though sore on some points, he himself sharing the soreness.

As earl of Beaconsfield (failing health had compelled him to take refuge in the House of Lords in 1876) Benjamin Disraeli died in his house in Curzon Street on the 19th of April 1881.

The anniversary of his death has since been honoured in an unprecedented manner, the 19th of April being celebrated as "Primrose Day" - the primrose, for reasons impossible accurately to define, being popularly supposed to have been Disraeli's favourite flower.

Even among his friends in youth (Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer, for example), and not improbably among the city men who wagered their p Y g Y g money in irrecoverable loans to him on the chance of his success, there may have been some who compassed the thought of Benjamin Disraeli as prime minister and peer; but at no time could any fancy have imagined him remembered so enduringly as Lord Beaconsfield has been.

It is possible that Sarah Disraeli (the Myra of Endymion), or that "the most severe of critics but a perfect wife," may have had such dreams - hardly that they could have occurred to any mind but a devoted woman's.

Disraeli's life was a succession of surprises, but none note, the Berlin memorandum, the Bashi-Bazouk was so great as that he should be remembered after death more widely, lastingly, respectfully, affectionately, than any other statesman in the long reign of Queen Victoria.

Of course it can be explained; and when explained, we see that Disraeli's good fortune in this respect is not due entirely to his own merits.

From that time, at any rate, Disraeli has been acknowledged as the regenerator and representative of the Imperial idea in England.

It is but a statement of fact, however, that Disraeli retains his hold upon the popular mind on this account mainly.

The student of his life understands that Disraeli's claim to remembrance rests not only on the breadth of his views, his deep insight, his long foresight, but even more on the courage which allowed him to declare opinions supplied from those qualities when there was no visible likelihood of their justification by experience, and therefore when their natural fate was to be slighted.

It is commonly believed that Disraeli looked in the glass while describing Sidonia in Coningsby.

So read, Sidonia and Benjamin Disraeli are brought into close resemblance by Disraeli himself; for what in this description is untrue to the suspected fundamentals of his character is true to his known foibles.

No Englishman could approach Disraeli without some immediate consciousness that he was in the presence of a foreigner.

In London, where he had taken up his abode, together with Arese, Fialin (says Persigny), Doctor Conneau and Vaudrey, he was at first well received in society, being on friendly terms with Count d'Orsay and Disraeli, and frequenting the salon of Lady Blessington.

This might explain why Disraeli never did acknowledge authorship of the book.

By the time Benjamin Disraeli became prime minister for the first time, the house was in poor shape.

Disraeli called high church ritualism " a mass in masquerade " .

If I wis a young Disraeli, Da wis mair like William Wallace.

He remained, nevertheless, a Liberal; and after the franchise question had been settled by what Lowe considered Disraeli's betrayal, and he had been elected the first member for London University, he accepted office again in the Gladstone Cabinet of 1868 as chancellor of the exchequer.

In 1864, as the result of charges made against him by the French authorities, in connexion with Greco's conspiracy against Napoleon III., Disraeli, in the House of Commons, accused him of being "in correspondence with the assassins of Europe."

He then paid a generous tribute to the virtues, the abilities and services of Cobden, and he was followed by Disraeli, who with great force and felicity of language delineated the character of the deceased statesman, who, he said, "was an ornament to the House of Commons and an honour to England."

He was assailed in parliament by the eloquence of Gladstone, the sarcasms of Disraeli, and the animosity of the Manchester Radicals, but the country was with him.

Her devotion to him, and his devotion to her, is the whole known story of their private life; and we may believe that nothing ever gratified him more than offering her a coronet from Mr Disraeli.

Froude reports that he "received a large sum from a private hand for his Life of Lord George Bentinck" (published in 1852), "while a Conservative millionaire took upon himself the debts to the usurers; the 3% with which he was content being exchanged for the zo% under which Disraeli had been staggering."

Disraeli, who at first preferred retirement and the writing of Lothair, came forward from time to time to point the moral and predict the end of Mr Gladstone's impulsive courses, which soon began to fret the confidence of his friends.

When he realized he was unable to stop Disraeli 's 1867 Reform Act he resigned from the cabinet.

Disraeli called high church ritualism " a mass in masquerade ".